黃色經濟圈與消費認同

黃色經濟圈與港人掙扎求存

黃圈不是泛民刻意營造到的，而是香港人在九七之後被中國佔領市場及生產模式之後的心理反抗，這個反抗是合理的，但有無用？該如何導向？黃圈只是個開始，要用宏大的香港經濟轉型格局來考慮。
　　
中國抵制香港之後，香港八成影視人員失業。中國衰退之後，依賴中國客戶的市場出現危機，香港旅遊業蕭條（外國遊客仍多，但消費能力較弱），黃色圈只是在衰退期間保住同道，但始終這個不是長久辦法。

第一次改革開放，香港工業北上，弄得現在香港的中下層和香港青年苦無出路。中國第二次開放改革，就是金融和服務業開放，香港金融和服務業做大和北上之後，中下層和年輕人的命運何去何從？北上求職嗎？

黃色經濟圈，是香港經濟自保的無意識反抗。不要小看這些消費自保及消費抵制行為，特朗普總統上台之前，美國就有極為小型的China Free（不用中國貨）及Buy Local行動，特朗普現在直接說Buy America, Hire America.

Source: 香港復興會 Hong Kong Resurgence
https://www.facebook.com/hkresurgence/photos/a.1661162694097344/2506956676184604/?type=3&theater

時間

政治市。國師午間教路。2019年最後的一日，你該停下來，想著時間這個東西。

古人說，「時不我與」。時間，是不饒人的。面對時間的流逝，孔子只能嘆息。有一日，學生見到孔子站在在河川岸邊上看，良久無語，忽然嘆息。學生記下孔子的一句話：「逝者如斯夫，不舍晝夜！」（《論語·子罕》）哎呀，逝去的，就好像面前的河水，日日夜夜的流走啊。

空間可以弄，共產黨最擅長了，填泥殺洞庭湖、鄱陽湖，建造三峽大壩，滅了在中國中心的兩湖（湖南湖北）糧倉，將長江流域變成工業基地，將糧倉轉到靠近俄羅斯和北韓的東北，這種愚昧的生存空間轉移，只有中國共產黨可以做到；搞大灣區，消耗香港；搞一帶一路，擴充共產中國的國際空間。香港地產財閥也擅長弄，搞了維港海邊的天價樓之後，搞納米樓、細價樓，玩農地、玩郊野公園，壓榨民脂民膏。但時間，共產黨和地產財閥，都不懂得弄。他們都要被時間淘汰，都會死掉，而且留下一族的惡名，遺臭萬年。

時間是大眾的，眾生共有的。空間，是私人的、公共的也有，但公共的也是國家的，國家的也就是政黨和財團壟斷的，終歸是私人的。

美國軍方在上世紀六十年代就掌握了互聯網技術，在二千年才推出來，忍了四十年，這叫做弄時間。法國在上世紀七十年代掌握了超音速飛機技術，與英國合作研究，法國忍不住，很快推出來，很耗油的，但油價還未下跌，還遇上中東戰爭，石油危機，這叫做被時間作弄。法國人很聰明，但總是被時間作弄。

你懂得弄時間，就掌握了先機，也掌握了大眾。陳雲在鼠年開運，會暗示給大家知道，什麼叫弄時間，how to manipulate time。

中共在庚子年該知道，在香港迫害陳雲的後果。中共要補償或補救？時間已經過去了。
庚子年，諸天護佑，我會做新的法會。

Source: 陳雲
https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10157727200732225

國族級的基因工程計劃

我相信大部分從事基因研究的科學家都想造福人類健康，但他們未必想到，自己的技術和發明會被國家機器利用，暗中參與一場國族級的基因工程計劃。

武漢懷疑爆發SARS疫情，當中提及「華大基因」，它就是當年創下30小時破解SARS基因序列創舉的公司，現在正是中共資助下最大的基因科研國企，總部設在深圳，與中大港大等有着頻繁的學術和商業關係，也僱用了不少港澳畢業生。美國疾控團隊當年要用上12天時間才破解得到冠狀病毒圖譜，為甚麼華大僅僅30個小時就可炫耀戰果，並極快製造出SARS快速測試盒，直到今日武漢醫院也在採用？

其中一個可能性是，他們一早知道SARS是甚麼。當年俄羅斯科學院專家最先提出SARS可能是人工合成出來的，理由是自然界不可能產生這種腮腺炎和麻疹的混合，所以推斷是實驗室合成的。一個非民主的國度，人民能向政府查證政府有沒有不軌陰謀嗎？

政府專家說，SARS罪魁禍首是果子狸，是廣東人愛食野味，反正我們也信了。299人病死，載入香港史冊，大家都謹記這個防疫教訓，卻遺忘了這是中共層層瞞報所造成的人禍，北京甚至篡改歷史，自誇助港防疫有功，是何等無恥！SARS是否生物武器，恐怕要等到中共解體才可解密真相，但暫時可以確定的是，華大基因經此一疫年年壯大，並牽涉為中共建立以國家為單位的DNA數據庫。

大概2014年，華大基因與牛津合作，在中國開一個對女性憂鬱症的研究，開始用「無創產前基因檢測」收集了14萬名中國孕婦的DNA，參與研究的美國公司被揭將數以千計的樣本標註為犬血漿試圖偷運出去。歐美被指廿多年來在中國農村收買血漿做研究，在中共版的SARS陰謀論，主張這種冠狀病毒是針對漢族特有的O-M175基因所研發的武器，才會有97%患者是中國人，而對白人盎格魯—撒克遜族裔免疫。「有見及此」，中共正式開打這一場基因軍備競賽，全力收集美國及其他西方人種的基因。

奧巴馬時期，華大基因在2009年利用國家開發銀行一筆15億美元貸款，向美國的lllumina購買基因測序儀，又在2013年成功收購美國基因公司Complete Genomics，得到大量美國人的基因數據。直到今年，美中經濟安全審查委員會才發出像樣的警告，要求杜絕美國人健康數據外洩的問題，點名華大基因。國民基因已成現代國安攻防的主要戰線。在這個關節眼上，華大基因卻疑似「賣國」了——2018年10月，它在《Cell》發表研究成果，涉嫌未經政府許可將「中國人群中病毒序列分布特徵」交予境外機構。

中國科技部剛好在同一個月，公布華大在2015年因「犬血漿」走私事件而被罰，足足遲了三年才公開14萬中國孕婦基因外洩的秘密。此舉動有可能是對《Cell》報告的一種警告式回應，但亦揭示中國科研界的黑暗——2015年沒有披露，正值華大籌備在深交所上市IPO。

未知這種背景的一般市民，見到GEM賣廣告推銷「圓基因」30秒測測你的健康隱患，很可能會心動交出自己的DNA，當做一份體檢報告；但你的基因樣本到頭來如何被集檔、儲存、標記甚或轉售，你又有沒有想過？你又是否知道搞Circle的這間初創Prenetics，有阿里巴巴等陸企泵水四億支持？

香港01報道：「Prenetics行政總裁楊聖武指，期望透過平台Circle，令大眾認識基因與保健關係，使基因測試在香港更普及。」

在香港更普及？建立香港人基因數據庫？

中共在幾年前開始，正正透過胎兒缺陷檢測為名義，誘使孕婦交出她們的DNA，到頭來卻發現，華大推出的基因檢測包的準確度根本沒有大於99%，其誤差令到不少媽媽錯誤誕下殘缺嬰兒。更離譜的是，去年踢爆華大的「唐氏綜合症檢測」的陽性率是1/164，比起自然唐氏兒陽性率1/800高出五倍之多，換言之15,000個無唐氏症的BB，全被當成有病而被強行流產！基因測病之害，廣告有告訴你嗎？

我無意抹殺基因科研人員的不懈努力，只是萬惡的政府使他們蒙污；我寫這些，全是為了制衡一面倒的官式唱好。菲律賓總統杜特爾特受訪時曾說，美國正在計劃精確針對個人的基因斬首戰術。我們距離這恐怖末日有幾遠？中共距離這個目標又有幾遠？為免早日成真，請好好保護自己的DNA，萬勿隨便交給任何機構。

Source: 作者
https://www.facebook.com/yhmetblogspot/posts/2880103158706470?__tn__=H-R

武漢大學模式動物研究所與SARS

傳武漢爆發多宗SARS肺炎個案？

肺鼠疫是肺炎，SARS也是肺炎，暫時未確定所謂不明肺炎是哪一種，消息有待求證，但事有湊巧，個多月前，武漢大學模式動物研究所接受記者查訪，參觀活猴實驗室，做了一個SARS紀念特輯。

16年前，疾控怕「不明肺炎」嚇人，改名做非典；現在輪到這些非典型的肺炎不可叫「非典」，要叫回不明原因肺炎。

大家注意衛生，避免北上。

Source: 作者
https://www.facebook.com/yhmetblogspot/posts/2879715012078618

行政會議是「邊緣」？

行政會議是香港的怪胎，它被外界視為「香港政府內閣」，是「協助行政長官決策的最高級行政機構」，如今卻被林鄭降格為最接近權力核心的邊緣諮詢機構。

葉劉淑儀受訪說：「我們有個別成員socially見到特首都會講，我們不介意，如果總辭幫到你。如果要辭就總辭，集體負責嘛。但行政長官說行會角色是『邊緣』，只是給予意見，要問責幾時輪到行會成員。」

一半是官守議員（3司長13局長），一半是非官守議員（16名鄉紳賢達），在結構上與一般國家的「民主過渡政府」無異，卻沒有履行「實現地方民主化」的任務，使香港長期處於「過渡政府篡政」的狀態（過渡至2047）。葉劉爆料，則佐證行政長官正式收回過渡政府的權力，香港由行會篡政進入林鄭獨裁。

是甚麼使她可以收回權力，定於一尊？

因為她是另一個更高的獨裁者所指派。這就是「委任制政治」取代「民主政治」的惡果。

很可笑，行會有一半是高官，負責執政，卻也輪不到他們問責。試問，要輪要輪邊個先？

非官守議員為免受到美國制裁，與林鄭這個傀儡獨裁者劃清界線，本應自行請辭。但實情是，他們怯於中共的淫威，連自行請辭的權力也沒有——你說普選行政長官，能不改革行會嗎？

把所有香港的公權機構都降格為諮詢組織，這就是在港本無權的中共逐步高度集權的秘技。

#核心嘅內圍係核心嘅外圍

Source: 作者
https://www.facebook.com/yhmetblogspot/posts/2877061072344012?__tn__=-R

如何分辨各門各派

告訴大家如何分辨各門各派。

藍派：

（因）認為共即是華

（此）親華親共，認賊作父

特色：認錢不認人，聽不到，看不到，什麼也不想知，全部都是謠言。

黃派：

（因）主力破壞華夏傳統文化

（此）不反共、反華

特色：N大訴求，玩行為藝術。喜歡講fact check，但行為是永不fact check，全部都是謠言。不認同天滅中共，共產黨可以合作。

本土派：

（因）保護本土華夏傳統文化

（此）反共、親華

特色：天滅中共，全黨死清光

獨派：

（因）認為華即是共

（此）反華反共

特色：認同權力就是一切，要破壞一切舊事物。

註︰千萬不要反轉原因和特色行為。

為什麼千萬不要反轉原因和行為？因為共產黨分身／分支，是看因、不看行為。「因」即是意識形態，共產黨是執於意識形態正確，但不理會做什麼行為。你要知道對方是否共諜，就要了解共產黨執著的意識形態是什麼，而對方是否不敢碰。又或者某某指自己是獨派，如果知道他們反華不反共，口講什麼也不重要，其實個底是黃絲。

明白上述，你會明白香港政治歷史上，為什麼：

黃派暗共；

中共扶植港獨；

黃派不介意支持港獨；

黃派不惜一切打壓本土派；

黃派是本土派最大的敵人。

咁你話可以點做？

自本版建立以來，每當發文批評時局，我見得最多既留言係問我，「咁你話可以點做？」

第一，其實我一直都有講，反反覆覆咁講，不厭其煩咁講，要旨止在「修文習武」四字。香港政治最大既問題，不在於制度崩潰、吏治腐敗、官商勾結、販民左膠，而在於民智，民智一日唔開，就算將依家既美國送俾你地治理，一樣會落得香港目前既下場。而要民智開，一則讀書養氣，二則鍛鍊身體。

讀書，係學習他人及前人思想精髓，當然啦，唔係個個既思想都有精髓，部份人所著只係佢既思想糟粕，例如鄺俊宇。因此閱讀乜野書係好重要既課題，不過我並唔打算係度討論呢個題目，有興趣既可以留言，大家另外討論。話又說回來，即使係孔子、柏拉圖既著作，雖然係精髓，其實亦係糟粕，因為道之至微者，難以言傳，更難以文傳，所以讀書只係第一步，讀完要思考，要感悟，更加要實踐，斯《中庸》所謂「博學，慎思，審問，明辯，力行」是也。唐君毅先生曾經講過，「宇宙只是一大意味，人生即領悟此大意味之意味。一切語言文字最後都不能表達宇宙人生的奧秘。所以佛說法四十九年，最後說無所說；莊子說，言無言，終身言，未嘗言；孔子說，天何言哉，余欲無言。一切偉大著作的文字都只是象徵，是指不是月，如見指便不見月。故所有參透宇宙人生奧秘的聖哲都要人忘其所言，並領略言語外的意味，屆時便只有體會和讚嘆。」因此，要讀書，要揀好書讀，讀完要思考，思考完要實踐，實踐完發覺唔妥要反省，反省完就要改過。如果一個社會有一半以上既人可以做到咁，人人識得獨立思考，逐漸進入良性競爭，國家庶幾可望大治。民主而欠缺理性獨立思考同一心為公既良性競爭，到頭來只會變成另一種獨裁極權。獨不見雅典所謂既民主，最後竟然害死一代聖哲蘇格拉底乎？

習武，係為左強身健體，更係為左激發野性。有野性而無強健體格，就會變成走住屌既MK仔；有強健體格而無野性，就會變成九龍灣連儂牆打不還手硬食十三拳戇鳩仔。我相信無論係MK仔定戇鳩仔，都唔係大家心目中一個合格公民既模樣，更加唔係一個可以履行兵役、保家衛國既戰士。講到習武，又不得不講講我自己既經驗。我習武日子唔算長，大概係雨革之後，學既係日本劍道。師傅教我地，劍道講求氣、劍、體，氣係指出劍時既吶喊，劍就係劍，體係衝體，指出劍時既捨身。無錯，「捨身」，我認為就係劍道既精髓。幾年過去，我睇過既比賽唔少，親身參與既亦都唔少，我既結論係，的確「勇者得勝」。通常雙方一出劍，睇吓彼此個氣勢，已經可見勝負，尤其係攻戰雙方有無捨身既勇氣。我曾經同一個比我高段既人對打，開始前我先澄靜心神，摒除雜念，忘記會痛會死，上到場發狠就打，結果果場打得好好，事後對方都私底下同我講，有一下確實俾我嚇怕左。呢啲就係野性，野性就係你作為大自然一部份本身所擁有既天性，一份與天鬥、與地鬥、與人鬥既不屈之氣。武士道既野性源自其不畏死，不畏死既觀念來自佛家，《心經》有云「心無罣礙，無罣礙故，無有恐怖，遠離顛倒夢想，究竟涅槃。」因為已經擺脫五蘊、六根、六塵、六識、十二因緣、四聖諦而進入空空境界，其心如如不動，自然「無有恐怖」，因此一切生死苦痛劫難災害都不能入我空心而障擾之，故歷劫而不動。

「修文習武」大概就係咁樣一回事，但我要進一步指出，修文同習武並唔係兩樣獨立而行既事，而係相輔相成。劉劭係《人物志》中講過，「夫草之精秀者為英，獸之特群者為雄。故人之文武茂異，取名於此。是故聰明秀出謂之英，膽力過人謂之雄。若校其分數，則牙則須，各以二分，取彼一分，然後乃成。夫聰明者，英之分也，不得雄之膽，則說不行；膽力者，雄之分也，不得英之智，則事不立。是故英以其聰謀始，以其明見機，待雄之膽行之；雄以其力服眾，以其勇排難，待英之智成之。」簡單而言，有勇而無謀（習武而不修文），不過匹夫之勇，樊噲、周勃之流；有謀而無勇（修文而不習武），不過迂懦之謀，袁紹、劉表之類。所以，張良一謀士，而敢狙擊始皇於博浪沙，韓信一猛將，而能屈膝無賴於市井上，前者正是能謀而勇於行事，後者則是有勇而謀於將來。柏拉圖係《理想國》裡面都有提到，教育除左知識傳授外，亦都要體育鍛鍊，否則只會成為類似東方既窮酸腐儒。《周禮》中提倡六藝（禮、樂、射、御、書、數），其中體育類佔其二（射與御）。由此可見，修文同習武不可分割。

第二，我一直進行評論，都係站在執政者角度而言，所以我講既，如果你明白，就會知道係從全盤出發，而唔係著眼於細眉細眼處，如果你唔明，就會覺得我「只識批評，內容空泛，毫無實際建議」，而果句「咁你話可以點做」已經證明左你根本唔明白我係度講緊乜。

講到執政者，我又想講吓「雞蛋與高牆」呢句說話。記得2014年既時候，班戇鳩左膠好鍾意矯情造作咁自認係雞蛋，仲周圍問人你要做雞蛋定高牆。都唔講自認係雞蛋呢種示弱既戇鳩事到底有幾弱智，come on James，「雞蛋與高牆」同「你係藍定黃」其實完全無分別，都係順我者昌逆我者亡既二元霸權。記得當年有人問我要做雞蛋定高牆，我答佢，我要做坦克，輾壓高牆，然後自己重新建立新既高牆。到左今日，我想再補充一句，除左高牆，我連你班黃屍雞蛋都會輾壓埋一份。呢啲就係思想上既分別，而呢個分別，決定左你最後係當主人定係做奴才。販民左膠咁多年嚟都係憑住呢類仆街暗示式手段，灌輸我地「香港人係奴才」既思想，從而進行洗腦。

所以，奴才們唔明我講緊乜係好正常，不過我依家善意提醒吓你地，唔好再衝出嚟柒，問我「咁你話可以點做」啦，唔好再示短於人，俾人知道原來你係奴才思想啦。我見年尾就快到，先大發慈悲，提醒吓你地，等你地唔洗柒過年，算係積吓陰德。

第三，我被問得最多「咁你話可以點做」既階段係中大之戰、理大之戰直到區議會選舉完結前後。

老實講，真正能兵者，從不言兵。趙括紙上談兵，口若懸河，其父趙奢知其不得善終，最後趙括果然「不負父望」，不單臨陣授首，而且一舉葬送左四十五萬趙軍，最後「子哭其父，父哭其子，兄哭其弟，弟哭其兄，祖哭其孫，妻哭其夫，沿街滿市，號痛之聲不絕」，敗曬趙國所有家底，搞到國破家亡。所以我從不言兵。兵只能用，而不能言，尤其仲要公開講曬出嚟，人地就會知道你心思係點，可以揣摩研究，到你真正要上陣打仗既時候，敵人已經清楚曬你既底牌，試問你仲點打？果啲一日到黑係度侃侃而談既人，試問有幾多個真係有能力上前線帶兵打仗？試問有幾多個既意見真係有用？我俾五千人你，係旺角同黑警開戰，應該要係邊度建立據點？邊度可以埋伏？邊度可以屯糧？糧道應該設係邊度？點樣保護糧道？用咩戰術可以制勝？要幾多武器？武器要咩類型？你以為真正要組織一場戰爭係咁容易既事？我唔講，係因為我自知不足，而且知道講都無用，因為我只係個無兵司令。我講左又點？你地都肯聽我枝笛衝上前線執行我既計劃？唔會囉，你地只係口痕口賤，係要搵野嚟拗囉，係要雞蛋裡面挑骨頭囉，所以我唔會因為一時意氣，同你地逞口舌之爭，而輕言軍旅之事。《孫子》第一章第一句就開宗明義，「兵者，國之大事也，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。」一件關乎所有人生命既事，同你三唔識七，仲要態度咁撚差，挑釁住咁問我，就要我隨隨便便講出嚟？瞓啦柒頭。

其次，我點解要一直屌鳩販民左膠販粉黃屍豬？因為你地係內奸，有你地係度，唔好話打贏仗，連唔打輸仗都好難。我未聽過有內奸係軍隊而軍隊可以打贏仗，所以我一直都致力肅清你呢班內奸，就係為左打贏仗。你地先係問題根源，係心腹之疾，黑警只係癬疥之疾，收拾左內奸，要滅黑警根本只係反掌之事。我地陣營之憂根本不在顓頊，而在蕭牆之內。所以，販粉黃屍豬們，如果你地真係想知「可以點做」既，咁我依家就正式答你啦，就係去維港集體跳海啦。

我一直以嚟論政，唔單止係從全盤出發，而且係從根本出發，而根本問題在於民智未開，民智未開在於販民左膠荼毒。我正正知道問題癥結所在，所以一直致力於解決呢個問題，呢個問題唔解決，其他免談。因此唔好再問我「咁你話點做先可以直搗黃龍」，如果你真係非問問題不可既，唔該問「咁你話點做先可殺左秦檜」。

第四，講到用兵，令我諗起「冷氣軍師」。自從「冷氣軍師」呢個戇鳩詞彙出現後，我早就想批評，不過一直苦無機會，今日就順便講講。我知道，好多我既反對者都覺得我係冷氣軍師，不過我想講，我唔介意你地覺得我只係個坐談者（唔通我識如來神掌又話你聽咩），但請你地鬧我之前，先搞清楚你地用嚟鬧我既詞彙概念，其內涵到底係乜野，如果唔係只會惹我嘲笑同鄙視，亦令我覺得莫大悲哀，「批評我既人點解質素都咁低？」

「軍師」既本質就係「冷氣」，劉邦稱讚張良「運籌帷幄之中，決勝千里之外」，「帷幄」就係「冷氣」，就係坐鎮後方，指揮前線。不過以前未有冷氣，依家有冷氣，所以以前係「帷幄」，依家係「冷氣」而已。軍師唔係坐係後方指揮進退，而係同將軍士卒一樣衝鋒陷陣，仲叫咩軍師？果啲人云亦云跟住用「冷氣軍師」嚟攻擊人既戇鳩仔，你地到底知唔知你地有咩矛盾？你地到底知唔知「冷氣軍師」同「阿媽係女人」其實異曲同工？你地以為用呢個詞嚟形容我或其他俾你地攻擊既人，就係嘲笑緊我地？殊不知辱在彼而不在此。

此外，通常會用「冷氣軍師」形容其他人既人，都會覺得自己唔係「冷氣軍師」，而佢地覺得自己唔係既原因，在於佢地有出去鳩叫遊行（如果連出去鳩叫都無，我真係唔明點解佢地好意思話人係「冷氣軍師」），所以佢地覺得自己好有建樹，而我地呢啲「冷氣軍師」就淨係識指指點點得把口。講到呢度，我又想講個故事。話說劉邦殺左項羽，正式奪得天下後，要論功行賞，於是劉邦首先封左蕭何為酇侯，食邑八千戶。班將軍不服，隨即起哄，向劉邦投訴，話自己披堅執銳，幾番血戰，攻城略地無數，而蕭何未有汗馬功勞，封賞竟然係眾人之上。劉邦回答佢地，話蕭何係發施號令既人，而眾將係獵狗，眾將攻城略地就好似獵狗擒得獵物，而如果無蕭何指示獵物係邊，咁眾將亦唔會擒得獵物，所以眾將係因為蕭何之功而有功，蕭何既封賞當然係眾人之上。我都唔講你地出去鳩叫，連功勞都無，就算有，都只係獵狗之功。我唔敢講自己係蕭何，我只係想為其他俾你地無理謾罵、抹黑、嘲笑而真正有蕭何之功既人講句公道話，你地就只係一群獵狗（甚至獵狗都不如），而「冷氣軍師」們先係蕭何。請你地唔好再用「冷氣軍師」嚟攻擊其他人了，因為咁樣只突顯出你地既智商同果班莽夫將領一樣，甚至更低。

第五，知唔知點解你地咁鍾意問人「咁你話可以點做」？因為你地由細到大受既教育都只係單向灌輸，而唔係雙向討論，亦即係為人詬病多年既填鴨教育。大部份父母同老師都因為掌握住細路既生殺大權，由有無得食飯，到品行同成績既評分，係咁樣既前提下，大人們好容易形成專斷獨裁既性格。尤其香港呢廿二年嚟既情況咁艱苦，好多大人係出面受左上司或老闆既氣，返到屋企或者入到教室就會將細路當成出氣袋，威權主義由是產生。

分享一個我既親身經歷。因為工作需要，我經常出入學校，接觸好多學生。有次我見到個同我幾熟既學生係度罰抄，我就走埋去睇吓佢抄緊乜，「黃老師是最美麗的老師。」我打個突，好奇之心因斯以起，於是問佢點解要抄呢句野，佢嘆一口氣，同我講，因為黃老師係課堂上讚佢自己靚，而呢個學生覺得佢唔靚，所以串鳩佢，黃老師老羞成怒，就罰佢抄呢句野一千次。呢個例子堪稱極權主義教育既經典。老實講，果個黃老師我見過，真係好撚醜，個學生只係因為講左事實，就要俾人施罰，咁同中國共產黨有咩分別？唔好話你咁撚醜我只係陳述事實吖，就算你好索，唔通我就奉旨要覺得你靚？知唔知咩叫感覺？識唔識分咩係客觀同主觀？柏拉圖係《泰鄂提得斯》裡面講過，感覺只屬於個人，一陣風吹埋嚟你覺得凍我覺得唔凍，唔通我可以話你覺得凍係錯？然則睇同一個人，你覺得靚我覺得醜，有咩問題？個學生有咩錯？

我講呢個故事，係想俾大家知道，我地既教育環境到底有幾腐敗，而由咁既腐敗環境教出嚟既人，會係點樣既人？威權教育教出嚟既就係奴才，奴才就係只識唯唯諾諾，無自己意志，無自己思想，遇事只識得請示主子（但去到要為自己謀利既時候，佢地就即刻精甩鞭，個腦轉得鬼死咁快，不過都只係朝夕自快既魚戲於釜而已）。所以淨係識一日到黑係度問「咁你話可以點做」既人，好反映得出你受（威權）教育既程度有幾高。

此外，智能手機普及，Facebook呢類單向餵飼式平台出現，亦加劇左「無意識接收訊息」既慘況，令到人類越嚟越唔識思考，個個淨係識得張開個口，等人地餵飼。香港人係新世界秩序者令全人類變成弱智既陰謀同中國共產黨奴化教育兩面夾擊之下，會出現大量咁樣既人，我並唔驚訝，只係覺得好撚煩。

最後，我非常歡迎大家理性討論，我最鍾意就係大家就住一件事據理力爭，不斷互相錘鍊，最終得出一個最好既結論，大家因此而共同進步。我認為只有培養出咁既風氣與習慣並成為社會主流，民智先會開，販民左膠先會滅，香港先有得救，其餘一切都係左計。

此外，如果你只係諗住嚟找我晦氣，刁難我，咁我勸你都係慳返啖氣，唔好自取其辱，無論藍屍定黃屍。至於一眾販民左膠保皇狗既打手們，你地即管放馬過來，我預先係度祝你地賺到錢都無命洗，冚家落地獄，接受永火洗禮，唔怕死既就嚟我度洗版啦。

Source: 南金東箭

https://www.facebook.com/103378051022204/posts/164436051583070

一個維吾爾族人的故事

Source: Telegram

監警會的國際專家請辭，英聯邦外派來香港的法官更應該集體請辭

監警會的國際專家請辭。我認為英聯邦外派來香港的法官更應該集體請辭，免得為港共的政治迫害背書，香港的案例也反過來毒害其他英語國家的普通法。

各位做國際工作的，有新的戰線了。大家應該遊說英聯邦國家撤回駐港的外籍法官。香港的法庭在禍害普通法國家。其他英語國家應該與香港劃清界線。

#香港的法庭在禍害普通法國家。其他英語國家應該與香港劃清界線

Source: 陳雲

https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10157669913537225

手足都要食飯

其實早在幾個月前已經有網友在這裡討論過，抗爭戰線拖長，首先受衝擊的，其實是自己人的經濟。而當時我和幾位網友都覺得列表標籤商鋪的政治分類其實並不是一個很好的做法，第1這必然會需要設定一個表態門檻，第2是良心店會直接成為對家杯葛甚至破壞的對象。然後發展至今天，還衍生出第3個問題——有不少專業會被要求貢獻更多，以符合加入爐裡面的條件。希望大家明白，店家自願的獻出，前提是經過他們自己計算自己獻出後還可生存的，我們抱持的基本想法，應該是希望大家都可以用各種方法來賺錢存活渡過這個難關，而不是設定道德標準要求別人遵守才支持。

作為消費者手足的大家，也最好多花時間了解自己想光顧的對象而作消費決定，而不是只跟隨一個大台的指標。

Source: 多利繪
https://www.facebook.com/dollylydraw/posts/2208563899244263

沈旭暉︰兩制是騙局 倡海外建新香港

「年青時不願留在英美，曾經天真相信香港屬於我們，以為真的能夠一同建立這個家。」畢業後，回到中文大學執教鞭、當信報國際版主筆、成立智庫、加入李澤楷旗下的盈科拓展集團任高級副總裁、擔任中央政策組非全職顧問。不知從何時起，理想成了妄想，「一切都是一場夢，兩制是一場騙局。」

不再是「發夢」的年紀，但沈旭暉仍有想像力，期盼有天真的能夠光復香港，「假如海外有幾個小型新香港，保存元氣，一個像東印度公司、香港文化協會鞏固身份認同，只要國際形勢改變，總有一日可以光復香港。」

記者：孫樂祈

政權不見讓步迹象，上周科大生周梓樂重傷不治、大搜捕泛民議員，無力感充斥每個香港人。經歷過2014年傘運，最令沈旭暉恐懼的是散水，「再一次重演，會好傷。2014年後好多人好down，咩都唔理，繼續搵錢算數。」

更可悲的是無散水黨，全因警暴令港人髮指。他反覆強調不能鬆懈、不能絕望，「今次爭取到，都唔等於贏，一國兩制侵蝕繼續不斷發生；雨傘時爭取唔到，都唔等於失敗，唔係一無所獲。」

黃色經濟圈雛形已成

梁天琦2016年提出的「時代革命」，今天就真正發生，「今次咁多人響應，係香港人嘅創意，呢個時代喺bottom-up方向去諗。身邊好多朋友都搞緊黃絲經濟體，背後係去中心化，減低對政府、大財團的依賴，社會唔再top-down咁控制。一班目標一致的朋友，互相支持去打這場持久戰。」

今次不論政府會否讓步，黃色經濟圈的雛形已長成，經濟圈由罷食吉野家、支持大班麵包西餅開始，逐漸生出黃藍店名單、黃色招聘平台、網購平台，試圖擺脫靠攏內地的生意模式。

其實藍色經濟體早已建立並連結內地，至於遲來的黃色經濟圈，自然連往世界，「呢個外國勢力唔係政治，純粹係做生意，黃絲在能力、語言、價值觀都容易plus in去國際，文宣組甚至連藍絲都讚。加上100萬海外香港人，佢哋更加唔易受壓，有極大潛能未釋放。」

擺脫「人血饅頭」關口

內媒取笑香港人不自量力，沈旭暉以數據反駁，「200萬香港人，每人用1萬蚊去支持、消費，已經200億，係好大生態鏈，都未計滴漏效應。唔一定真金白銀，你放工寫文宣都有價值，係生態鏈一環。」事實證明，過往多次眾籌登報都能夠迅速達標，甚至有人說今次運動最不缺的就是錢。

不過要打仗，先要擺脫心理關口，五個月以來，無數香港人犧牲前途，為抗爭流出鮮血，這個環境下標榜自己是黃店圖利，是在吃「人血饅頭」、發國難財，沈旭暉提醒要擺脫這種思維，「要提供誘因，先可以令人持續參與，唔可以永遠靠捐錢，總需要自給自足。」

目前的黃絲經濟圈仍相當初步，但沈旭暉認為一旦有系統處理捐款，就能生出更多可能性，「只要做多一步，有個App可以俾人做prepayment（預付），就可以產生穩定現金流，亦可以串連到海外資金。」網購平台「光時」於訪問之時剛成立，平台設立的禮品卡功能，以實現預付的說法。

去中心化成世界潮流

在沈旭暉的沙盤推演下，發展下去甚至能取締銀行，為黃店提供借貸周轉，協助它們生存，「去中心化的世界潮流下，唔一定要大銀行。例如穆罕默德．尤努斯憑microfinance獲得諾貝爾和平獎。佢喺孟加拉借出小額貸款畀當地人做小生意，成功幫助好多人脫貧。香港本身金融體系成熟唔需要，但呢個環境下，好多人有心支援，又有批人經濟上有需要。」談到去中心化，不能避開加密貨幣，「假如發展更成熟，可以提供更保密的交易工具，同樣是去中心化一環。」

比起看不見的金融系統，香港人最關心的始終是地產，「唔少地方已經好似sim city（電腦遊戲模擬城市）咁起樓，用3D打印出嚟再砌，成本、時間都慳咗，基建唔係以前門檻咁高。」香港買地成本以億計，沈旭暉出身國際關係，想法不局限香港，他大膽建議在海外建立新香港，「舊年諾貝爾經濟學獎得主Paul Romer教授其中一個概念，就係Chartered City（特設城市）。佢講當初香港俾英國管治，使用完全不同附近環境的法律，由零開始建立城市，其實模式可以複製；今日世界上大國依然有好多荒地，可以複製同一樣嘢，咁點解唔可以海外複製香港部份功能，等我哋有一條生路？完全複製香港梗係唔容易，但其實BVI都係幾萬人，已經喺國際金融佔一席位，香港人冇理由做唔到。」

看似天馬行空的想法，早於1989年已有人提過，而且今日比當年更迫切，「當年如果蘇格蘭西岸搬遷計劃成事，中國政府可能會在自由問題讓步，亦能刺激蘇格蘭的經濟發展。其實當年也有北愛爾蘭、達爾文等地的方案，並非天馬行空，關鍵是有沒有人具體執行而已。」

他指英國脫歐、配合BNO議題，是另一個海外建港的機會，加拿大有國際非政府組織正在倡議，英國、加拿大、澳洲、紐西蘭四國國民相互自由入境、並在任何一國就業的簽證限制，最終達成類似歐盟內部人口自由流動的格局，「四個國家共同消化持有BNO的港人，比全遷往英國更可行。」

強調自己非鼓勵移民

向外國勢力租地，外交部、黨媒豈不馬上跳出來，指責外國勢力粗暴干預乜乜乜？沈旭暉說新香港其實是多贏局面，與北京保持適當距離，關係可能反而更好，「須知特設城市背後的國家，不可能完全不顧中國態度，因此北京更毋須擔心港獨；有了距離，香港人釋去切身憂慮，得到真正的一國兩制，更容易與北京保持良好關係，對各方其實都是多贏。」

他同時強調自己絕非散水黨，不是鼓勵移民，「要移民的人你不用鼓勵也會走，假如真的要走，也依靠網絡維繫香港人社區，把資金、能力去中央化，化整為零，繼續支持留在香港的真香港人，大家才能構成一個整體。別像上一代消極地到溫哥華成為唐人街廢老。」願意留下來的固然很好，像投資移民平均要購買最少500萬港元的房子，一萬人這就是500億，「這些經費，用來做一個主權基金，甚麼也能達成了，到了最後，才能有國際能量，光復香港。」

作為中間派，竟建議海外建立新香港，訪問近乎無底線，沈旭暉嘆口氣指，「不論黃、藍，正常一個人，當然明白香港發生咩事。老一輩想安享晚年、想湊孫可以理解，但我哋呢個年紀，未退休，又易流動，咁都無反應，就成個社會都無反應。」

Source: 蘋果日報︰孫樂祈（沈旭暉）
https://hkpedia.org/%E3%80%90%E8%BD%89%E7%99%BC%E3%80%91%E3%80%90%E5%B0%88%E8%A8%AA%E3%80%91%E9%80%99%E6%98%AF%E6%97%A9%E9%99%A3%E5%AD%90%E3%80%8A%E8%98%8B%E6%9E%9C%E6%97%A5%E5%A0%B1%E3%80%8B%E8%B2%A1%E7%B6%93%E7%89%88/

225位入境事務隊隊員聯署聲明︰整肅警隊 刻不容緩

香港兒女台鑒︰

我等為一眾入境事務隊隊員，向以把關香港為己任。吾等定必竭盡所能，維護法治，保土安民，捍衛我城。

制服之下，當先為香港人。唯香港警察行私刑、阻救援、擋遊行；奪被捕者之權利，侵香港人之自由。警察既為執法者，毫不守法，亦無尊重，屢於各場合及媒體前挑釁市民，舉手投足，儼如土匪；喝罵及稱呼示威者、記者、議員甚至平民為「曱甴」、「暴徒」，又自創辭彙肆意辱罵女性，形同流氓。此等賤視市民之言論，出自堂堂最大規模執法者之口，綱紀廢弛，不成體統。

警察濫權，每況愈下，屢屢犯錯而無人可阻，合法武器，不法使用；又肆意竄改武力等級，視武力守則如無物，遇觀星筆即如臨大敵，水樽亦恐作襲警之用，卻對持棍持刀者視若無睹，作壁上觀。警察手執武器，或盡皆虛發，或以胡椒噴劑擊頭，匪夷所思，猶如脫韁野馬，全違武器使用指引，更惶論拳打腳踢等私刑。

我等同屬紀律部隊，深知對武力之使用限制，極有要求。但凡武力之使用，皆以點到即止為原則。對方停止反抗，我方亦停止武力。武力亦須為逐級增加，而非立即提升到致命武力。我等於學堂受訓之時，教官三令五申，必須以眼親試胡椒噴劑之威力，毋忘切膚之痛，切勿濫用武力。此為克制，此為專業。然而政府及警方動輒以前線大壓力為由，縱容警暴，拖行市民，又向離散中之人群，作行刑狩獵式槍擊，又所執何法？克制專業何在？

緊急法及禁制令頻頻出現，無戒嚴之名，行戒嚴之實，向港人之自由步步進逼。藉詞保護警察私隱為名，禁選舉查冊以及公開警員及其家屬資料，儼如特權階級。敝部門亦疑因此仿傚，收緊多年來生死婚姻證明之查冊要求，非當事人授權不得申請，對調查社會大事，實為一大阻礙。

「蒙面法」生效後，市民口罩戴不得，警察卻可幪面如鼠輩，無證若歹徒。敢問有何公職人員於市民面前辦公，斗膽隱藏容貌、姓名、編號以至委任證？市民投訴無門，原告變被告者屢見不鮮。服務民眾，誠不可欺也。而休班警更獲派伸縮警棍、胡椒噴劑等武器，無紀律部隊之責，行秘密警察之實。及後擅闖民居，濫捕破壞，欺凌弱小，迫市民俯首下跪，行如納粹，形似皇軍，恬不知恥。所到之處，皆一片狼藉，老弱婦孺，無一幸免。市民看在眼內，斥罵之聲，不絕於耳。

警方高層圖以記者會公器私用，信口雌黃，愚弄市民，混淆視聽，更妄稱記者會乃其主場，視記者為敵，卻不知早已淪為笑柄；及又倒果為因，包庇下屬，指鹿為馬，早已失信於民。警方低層更妄自尊大，不學無術，多次恃協會名義，斥責四方，越俎代庖。甚至香港政府第二把交椅之政務司，亦同遭指責，令人咋舌。及後更越洋過海，要求英國國會議員道歉，見識之淺陋，貽笑大方。

現代社會中，但凡公僕，皆因人民分身不暇，能力有別，乃納稅授權其服務民眾。警察之所以權大，只因所管之範圍廣泛，如此而已。惟警察不知事理，倒果為因，多次蔑視同仁，唯我獨尊，於消防及醫護等救援時肆意阻攔，稍不合意，即恐嚇襲擊，儼如恐怖份子。同為公僕，當以民為先。鏡頭之下，屢屢非以救急扶危為要任，卻以凌辱市民為樂，賤人命如草芥，視平民為讎寇。鏡頭之後，又容不下半點批評之辭，擅自撤離醫院警崗，器量之狹窄，智力之低下，更遜黃口小兒。而男警恣意觸摸女性，擅闖產房，視男女之防如無物。我等大好兒女，竟與這種人齊名！

示威者犯法，自有法律制裁，惟警察徇私枉法，違規違紀，踐踏基本法；又毆打人民，與民為敵，有恃無恐，既無中立可言，亦無法治之說。吾等皆悲憤莫名，卻無從追究。政府與警隊理當先正己而後正人，重回現代文明社會之道，勿再令其他公僕蒙羞。

整肅警隊，刻不容緩。

人民公僕，尤以執法人員者，應持正守中。眼下香港禮崩樂壞，政府須對症下藥，從善如流，方為出路；若執意妄為，指鹿為馬，倒行逆施，猶抱薪救火，薪不盡，火不滅，則離香港之沉淪不遠矣。

香港正值風雨飄搖之時，吾等既為人民公僕，自當身土不二，以身作則，維護法紀，與民同行。政府施政無道，警察執法不公，罄竹難書。若再增添警力，以暴制民，棄政治問題而不顧，妄圖號召全體公僕與民為敵，助紂為虐，押上公務員百年聲譽，對此我們絕不噤聲，亦絕不同流合污。

天地有正氣，雜然賦流形
時窮節乃見，一一垂丹青

一眾入境事務隊隊員謹啟

Source: Telegram

香港文化前景研究

第一階段計劃籌款︰香港普選制度研究與社會文化影響

普選需要推動，更需要研究。北京和香港特區政府為了安定社會，恢復信心，普選是唯一的方法；美國為了保證香港法治及國際社會在香港的安全，也制訂《香港人權及民主法案2019》促成香港普選。香港普選很快到來，之前很多政黨政客爭取普選，但民主普選涉及的制度建設和社會基礎，大家並無妥善研究。香港的社會創新和文化創意，以及一連串的社會信心增強、消費行為轉變而帶來的繁榮和文化輸出，也會因普選而帶動，我們見到台灣和南韓的強勁例子就知道。

香港普選的話，立法會起碼要做以下準備：

一、修訂議會規則及法例：取消功能組別，要有一系列的法例變動的準備。

二、制訂政黨法：促進新生政黨可以註冊公司或社團，可以在銀行開戶，而不會遭受被公司註冊處及銀行取締（香港眾志也遇到阻礙）。

三、研究選區重整：五大選區是否要改變，或者只是劃分香港九龍新界三大選區而在當選之後才分配地區服務辦公室，甚至統一香港為單一選區？

四、社會基礎建設：開放電視台、電台牌照及報攤牌照，令小黨及多元政治取向可以得到宣傳，令香港社會更開放。

五、傳統及主流文化維護：在政黨競爭的時候，有什麼制度可以保障中西傳統文化在香港得到傳承?

此外，美國介入香港政治，也要研究美國和香港的長期文化聯繫。《香港城邦論》出版近十年，也要促成英譯本面世（其中包括香港本土運動里程碑的記錄）。這是第二個和第三個要開展的研究項目。

圖中所見，是第一階段的政策和文化研究的項目，需要各位捐款推動。籌款足夠之後，會依照學術規格，成立研究督導委員會，招聘研究員（培養青年研究人才）及支付行政及辦公室費用。

研究報告會在中期的時候匯報，完成之後會上載網頁，期間會外出訪問及出國研究及探訪，例如研究美國文化影響的時候會走訪美國。

捐款方法：銀行轉帳 / 櫃員機轉帳 / 網上過數
公司帳號：恒生銀行
戶口名：文化工作坊有限公司 Culture Workshop Ltd
戶口號碼：364-314971-883
paypal: culturehk@apspace.hk

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HKAA 電郵地址：hkautonomyaction@gmail.com

研究總監：陳雲博士

[Research for Hong Kong’s Cultural Prospect] - Fundraiser for the First Stage

Universal suffrage not only requires advocacy, but also research. To stabilize Hong Kong society and restore its confidence, Beijing and the HKSAR Government are set to pursue universal suffrage, as the US passed the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act to secure rule of law and the safety of the international society in Hong Kong. The universal suffrage that many politicians had fought for in the past will soon arrive, but its crucial systematic construction and social foundation had never been properly studied. Universal suffrage will drive Hong Kong’s social and cultural innovations, as prosperity and cultural exportation come with greater confidence in society and changing consumption habits, just as Taiwan and South Korea once flourished.

Below are the basic preparations for the LegCo, once universal suffrage comes into effect in Hong Kong:

1. Amend rules of procedure and laws accordingly: eliminate functional constituencies and prepare for a series of alterations in laws.

2. Enact Political Parties Act: encourage newly founded parties to register as companies or societies, while allowing them to open up bank accounts without being suppressed by banks and the Companies Registry.

3. Consider re-assignment of election districts: are the five districts adequate? Should there be only three larger districts, namely Hong Kong Island, Kowloon, and New Territories, where district offices will be distributed after all legislators are elected? Should Hong Kong be just a single district?

4. Social infrastructures: make licenses of TV channels, radio stations, and newsstands publically accessible, creating an open society that allow minor political parties and political stands to promote themselves.

5. Conservation of traditional and mainstream culture: what kind of institution can safeguard the heritage of both Chinese and Western traditions in Hong Kong, amidst the competition of political parties?

Furthermore, as the US intervenes in Hong Kong’s politics, the long-term cultural relation of the two should be studied. After a decade of its publication, 香港城邦論 should finally be translated into English, which shall include the evolution of Localism in Hong Kong. These will respectively be the second and third research projects.

The picture below shows the first stage of the research which consists of the study of policy and culture. Your donations are critical for the project’s inauguration. Once there are sufficient donations, a supervision committee for the research that complies to strict academic standards will be established. Part of the donations will be contributed towards the recruitment of researchers (which would cultivate young talents), administrative expenses, and office rental.

A midterm report for the research will be available on a designated website. During the course of studying about the influence of American culture, there will be expeditions to the US, as for studying other countries.

Donations are accepted through bank transfers, ATM transfers or online transfers.

Bank: Hang Seng Bank
Name of account: Culture Workshop Ltd
Account no.: 364-314971-883
Paypal: culturehk@apspace.hk

If you would like a receipt for your donation, please kindly attach the bank slip with your personal and contact information, and email HKAA for unified arrangement. Enquiries by email are also welcome.

Donations can be dedicated to one or more specific projects. If there are exceeding donations, the remaining balance will be chronologically distributed to future research projects.
HKAA’s email：hkautonomyaction@gmail.com

Director of Research：Dr. Horace Chin

Source: Hong Kong Autonomy Action - 香港自治行動
https://www.facebook.com/HKAA2019/posts/433793843996354

https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10157565752472225

Speech of Prof. Rocky Tuan, CUHK Vice-Chancellor and President, in 87th Congregation (Conferment of Bachelor’s and Master’s Degrees) (Transcript)

A very good morning to all of you.  It's a wonderful day.  You can see the sky is blue, the sun is out.  I welcome all of you to this wonderful occasion.  Before I begin, I'd just like to say a few words.  Regrettably, some actions last night and this morning, which were somewhat careless, disrespectful and sometimes hateful, has caused some defacement of university properties and has also compromised the very nature of this ceremony.  This is a happy occasion, this is a celebratory occasion.  It's particularly for our graduates, their family, and their friends and guests.  On behalf of CUHK, I would like to express my deep regret for some of the compromises that we've seen.

Now, in view of some of these things, I will actually forego my prepared speech.  It's a long speech - I think you are used to long speeches from me.  I will instead post my speech on the website, in Chinese as well as in English.  You can take a look at what I have prepared.  Instead, I just want to really talk to all of you, directly from my heart.  Of course, my audience today is the graduates.  I am very proud of all of you.  You have worked very very hard for today.  Today is a wonderful occasion for you to remember for the rest of your life, that's number one.  Number two, it is an occasion that your friends, your family, your teachers - all of us - will remember.  It's something that one day when you go through your photo album, you will point to this and tell your children, "See, that's dad, that's mum, we had a wonderful time."  I want you to remember that.

My message today will be very succinct and to-the-point. I have three things that I want all of the CUHK graduates to remember today.

1. Community

Human beings, by definition, are community animals.  No one lives alone, no one ever lives alone.  It's a very terrible life to live alone.  We are all part of the community.  Today is a transition.  Graduation is a transition.  You will be changing forever the way you live because you will be moving from one mode of living to another.  The mode in the university is, for the large part, a receiving mode.  You go to class, you get a grade, you have to hand in your homework, you have to go to the cafeteria at a certain time because otherwise they close.  So it is always receiving, a lot of it.  But after you graduate, it is a time to share, it is a time to serve.  You will be serving your community, whichever community you happen to be in.  So what is a community?  A community is by definition not a group of clones.  A group of clones is not a community.  A community is made up of different people.  They have different values, they have different lifestyles, they wear different clothes, they have different favourite colours, they like different kinds of music, they wake up at different times of the day.  A community is, by definition, a group of different people who live together, who work together, who hang out together, who go to the same things together.  You will be a member of that community.

How does a community thrive?  How does a community grow?  It is built on mutual respect, mutual understanding, that you all start with serving the community as your premise.  I think at the end of the day, when we finish our life on Earth...  I often compare the Earth to a spaceship, which is flying through time and space.  We are all passengers.  We have a ticket - we get on and at some point we have to get off.  When you get off, what is the meaning of your existence?  The meaning is what you have done in terms of serving the community.  I urge all of you to remember that.  This is an important moment in time.  You will be transitioning from the university to the community.

2. Life

The second thing I want you to remember is that life is a continuous one.  Every day is not a single day.  Today is the tomorrow of yesterday, and it's also the yesterday of tomorrow.  It goes on.  Life goes on.  So never only pay attention to today.  Do not be deterred by any failures you have today, and also, importantly, never be content with whatever success you have today because life goes on.

Some of you may know that I am actually sort of a tissue-engineered stem cell guy.  What we do in my lab is that we do 3D bioprinting.  We take little things, we build them one stack at a time, and we end up with a 3-dimensional object.  I often tell the people at my lab, the people I work with, "3D is not enough, it is 4D - life is 4D - because this thing that we've just made which is 3-dimensional actually have another dimension.  That dimension is time."  Time is about one day following another.  So always remember, do not be deterred by whatever you failed today, and never be content with whatever success you may have today.

3. Happiness

The last thing I want to say is about happiness.  I am no smart philosopher, so I am going to quote somebody else that I believe is probably one of the most amazing humanitarian that has ever lived, Albert Schweitzer.  He was a physician, philosopher and humanitarian.  He devoted his whole life to making life better for others.  I'll just quote what he said.  Some people may say success is the key to happiness.  He would say, "Happiness is the key to success."  If you are happy doing what you are doing, you will succeed.  Always remember that.  You start out with happiness, then you will succeed.  It doesn't go the other way.  Most of the things Albert Schweitzer said is very true.  I think this is one of them.

I will stop here and I have to say farewell to all of you. But I have to emphasis the farewell is just for now because I am sure all of you will come back as CUHK alumni and I will see you on campus.  Thank you.

Source: 段崇智, CUHK
http://www.cpr.cuhk.edu.hk/cutv/detail/1122?t=speech-of-the-vice-chancellor-in-87th-congregation-conferment-of-bachelor-s-and-master-s-degrees

The Patten Report on Policing: Summary of Recommendations

Human Rights

1
There should be a comprehensive programme of action to focus policing in Northern Ireland on a human rights-based approach. [para. 4.6]

2
There should be a new oath, taken individually by all new and existing police officers, expressing an explicit commitment to upholding human rights. The text might be as follows –
"I hereby do solemnly and sincerely and truly declare and affirm that I will faithfully discharge the duties of the office of constable, and that in so doing I will act with fairness, integrity, diligence and impartiality, uphold fundamental human rights and accord equal respect to all individuals and to their traditions and beliefs." [para. 4.7]

3
A new Code of Ethics should replace the existing, largely procedural code, integrating the European Convention on Human Rights into police practice. Codes of practice on all aspects of policing, including covert law enforcement techniques, should be strictly in accordance with the European Convention on Human Rights. [para. 4.8]

4
All police officers, and police civilians, should be trained (and updated as required) in the fundamental principles and standards of human rights and the practical implications for policing. The human rights dimension should be integrated into every module of police training. [para. 4.9]

5
Awareness of human rights issues and respect for human rights in the performance of duty should be an important element in the appraisal of individuals in the police service. [para. 4.10]

6
A lawyer with specific expertise in the field of human rights should be appointed to the staff of the police legal services. [para. 4.11]

7
The performance of the police service as a whole in respect of human rights, as in other respects, should be monitored closely by the Policing Board. [para. 4.12]


Accountability

8
An entirely new Policing Board should be created, to replace the present Police Authority. [para. 6.2]

9
The statutory primary function of the Policing Board should be to hold the Chief Constable and the police service publicly to account. [para. 6.3]

10
The Policing Board should set objectives and priorities for policing over a 3 to 5 year period, taking account of any longer term objectives or principles set by the Secretary of State or successor. It should then be responsible for adopting a 3 to 5 year strategy, prepared by the Chief Constable through a process of discussion with the Board, which should reflect the objectives and priorities set by the Board. [para. 6.5]

11
The Board should be responsible for adopting an Annual Policing Plan, developed by the Chief Constable, through a process of discussion with the Board, on the basis of objectives and priorities set by the Board, and within the agreed 3 to 5 year strategy. [para. 6.6]

12
The Board should be responsible for negotiating the annual policing budget with the Northern Ireland Office, or with the appropriate successor body after devolution of policing. It should then allocate the police service budget to the Chief Constable and monitor police performance against the budget. [para. 6.7]

13
The Board should monitor police performance against the Annual Policing Plan and the 3 – 5 year strategy. It should watch crime trends and patterns, and police performance in public order situations. It should also follow such things as recruitment patterns and trends, including fair employment and equal opportunities performance, and training needs. It should assess public satisfaction with the police service and, in liaison with the Police Ombudsman, patterns and trends in complaints against the police. [para. 6.8]

14
The Board should have the responsibility for appointing all chief officers and civilian equivalents and for determining the length of their contracts. All appointments should be subject to approval by the Secretary of State (and successor after devolution) and the Chief Constable should be consulted in relation to the appointment of subordinate chief officers and civilian equivalents. The Board should have the power to call upon the Chief Constable to retire in the interests of efficiency and effectiveness subject to the approval of the Secretary of State (and successor) and to the right to make representations as at present. Similarly, the Board should have the same power in relation to other chief officers and civilian equivalents exercisable subject to the approval of the Secretary of State (and successor) and to the same right to make representations and after consultation with the Chief Constable. The Secretary of State should have power to require the Policing Board to call upon the Chief Constable to retire on the same grounds but this power should be exercisable only after consultation with the Board and subject to the same right to make representations already referred to. Additionally, after devolution the relevant Northern Ireland minister should have power to call for the retirement of the Chief Constable on the same grounds but this should be subject to the agreement of the Policing Board and the approval of the Secretary of State with an equivalent right to make representations. The Board should be the disciplinary authority for chief officers and civilian equivalents. [para. 6.9]

15
The Policing Board should coordinate its work closely with other agencies whose work touches on public safety, including education, environment, economic development, housing and health authorities, as well as social services, youth services and the probation service, and with appropriate non-governmental organizations. [para. 6.10]

16
The Policing Board should have 19 members, 10 of whom should be Assembly members drawn from the parties that comprise the new Northern Ireland Executive, selected on the d’Hondt system, who should not at the same time hold ministerial office in the Executive. [para. 6.11]

17
The nine independent members of the Board should be selected from a range of different fields – including business, trade unions, voluntary organizations, community groups and the legal profession – with the aim of finding a group of individuals representative of the community as a whole, with the expertise both to set policing priorities and to probe and scrutinise different areas of police performance, from management of resources to the safeguarding of human rights. Their appointments should be for four years; but if it were necessary for the purpose of continuity to ensure that not all Board positions fell vacant at the same time as elections to the Assembly, some of these appointments could be for an initial period of two years. [para. 6.12]

18
The independent members should be appointed by the Secretary of State, in consultation with the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister, until such time as responsibility for policing is devolved, at which point the appointments should be made by the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister acting together. Until devolution, the Secretary of State should also determine the remuneration and expenses of Board members, in consultation with the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister. [para. 6.13]

19
A Board member of high quality and standing in the community should be appointed by the Secretary of State to be the first chairman of the Board, with the agreement of the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister, for an initial term of four years. [para. 6.14]

20
Responsibility for policing should be devolved to the Northern Ireland Executive as soon as possible, except for matters of national security. [para. 6.15]

21
The powers of the Policing Board proposed in this report, in relation to both government (as now represented by the Secretary of State) and the Chief Constable, should in no way be diminished when the government role in the tripartite arrangement passes to the Northern Ireland Executive. [para. 6.15]

22
The provisions of the Police (Northern Ireland) Act 1998 should be simplified so that the respective roles of the Secretary of State (or successor), the Policing Board and the Chief Constable are clear. [para. 6.16]

23
The provision, in Section 39 of the Police (Northern Ireland) Act 1998, that the Secretary of State may issue guidance to the police as to the exercise of their functions, should be repealed. [para. 6.18]

24
The Chief Constable should be deemed to have operational responsibility for the exercise of his or her functions and the activities of the police officers and civilian staff under his or her direction and control. [para. 6.21]

25
The Policing Board should have the power to require the Chief Constable to report on any issue pertaining to the performance of his functions or those of the police service. The obligation to report should extend to explaining operational decisions. If there is a disagreement between the Board and the Chief Constable over whether it is appropriate for a report to be provided on a particular matter, it should be for the Chief Constable to refer the question to the Secretary of State for a decision as to whether the Board’s requirement should stand. [para. 6.22]

26
The Policing Board should have the power, subject only to the same limitation set out in paragraph 6.22, to follow up any report from the Chief Constable by initiating an inquiry into any aspect of the police service or police conduct. Depending on the circumstances, the Board should have the option to request the Police Ombudsman, the Inspectorate of Constabulary or the Audit Office to conduct or contribute to such an inquiry, or to use the Board’s own staff, or even private consultants for such a purpose. [para. 6.23]

27
Each District Council should establish a District Policing Partnership Board (DPPB), as a committee of the Council, with a majority elected membership, the remaining independent members to be selected by the Council with the agreement of the Policing Board. The chair of the DPPB should be held by an elected member, with rotation between parties from year to year. [para. 6.26]

28
The District Policing Partnership Board in Belfast should have four sub-groups, covering North, South, East and West Belfast. [para. 6.27]

29
There should be monthly meetings between the DPPB and the police District Commander, at which the police should present reports and answer questions and the Board should reflect community concerns and priorities to the police. The views expressed by DPPBs should be taken fully into account by the police and by the Policing Board in the formulation of policing plans and strategies at the central level. [para. 6.30]

30
The DPPB should submit an annual report to the District Council, and publish it. [para. 6.31]

31
The approved administration costs of the DPPB should attract a 75% grant from the Policing Board, the remaining 25% to be funded by the District Council. [para. 6.32]

32
District Councils should have the power to contribute an amount initially up to the equivalent of a rate of 3p in the pound towards the improved policing of the district, which could enable the DPPB to purchase additional services from the police or other statutory agencies, or from the private sector. [para. 6.33]

33
It should be the aim of every police beat manager to have a consultative forum in his or her patrol area. [para. 6.34]

34
The Policing Board should maintain regular contact with the DPPBs, through periodic meetings of chairpersons, annual conferences, seminars, training courses and by including them in the circulation of information. [para. 6.35]

35
The Policing Board should meet in public once a month, to receive a report from the Chief Constable. [para. 6.36]

36
District Policing Partnership Boards should meet in public once a month, and procedures should allow for members of the public to address questions to the Board and, through the chair, to the police. [para. 6.37]

37
The police service should take steps to improve its transparency. The presumption should be that everything should be available for public scrutiny unless it is in the public interest – not the police interest – to hold it back. [para. 6.38]

38
The Police Ombudsman should be, and be seen to be, an important institution in the governance of Northern Ireland, and should be staffed and resourced accordingly. The Ombudsman should take initiatives, not merely react to specific complaints received. He/she should exercise the power to initiate inquiries or investigations even if no specific complaint has been received. The Ombudsman should be responsible for compiling data on trends and patterns in complaints against the police, or accumulations of complaints against individual officers, and should work with the police to address issues emerging from this data. He/she should have a dynamic cooperative relationship with both the police and the Policing Board, as well as other bodies involved in community safety issues. He/she should exercise the right to investigate and comment on police policies and practices, where these are perceived to give rise to difficulties, even if the conduct of individual officers may not itself be culpable, and should draw any such observations to the attention of the Chief Constable and the Policing Board. The Ombudsman should have access to all past reports on the RUC. [para. 6.41]

39
New legislation on covert policing should be fully compliant with the European Convention on Human Rights and should have the same application in Northern Ireland as in the rest of the United Kingdom. [para. 6.43]

40
There should be a commissioner for covert law enforcement in Northern Ireland. [para. 6.44]

41
There should be a complaints tribunal, comprising senior members of the legal profession, with full powers to investigate cases referred to it (either directly or through the Police Ombudsman) involving covert law enforcement operations. [para. 6.45]

42
There should be a substantial strengthening of financial accountability, including: a fully costed Annual Policing Plan; a strong audit department within the Policing Board, staffed by experts in budgeting, financial management and value for money programmes; and more systematic use of the Audit Office to study police resource management, either at the behest of the Policing Board or on its own initiative. [para. 6.46]

43
The Chief Constable should be designated a sub accounting officer, in addition to the Chief Executive of the Policing Board, so that either or both may be called, together with the Permanent Under Secretary as principal accounting officer, to give evidence to the Public Accounts Committee. [para. 6.47]


Policing with the Community

44
Policing with the community should be the core function of the police service and the core function of every police station. [para. 7.9]

45
Every neighbourhood (or rural area) should have a dedicated policing team with lead responsibility for policing its area. [para. 7.10]

46
Members of the policing team should serve at least three and preferably five years in the same neighbourhood. They should wear their names clearly displayed on their uniforms, and their uniforms should also bear the name of the locality for which they are responsible. [para. 7.11]

47
All probationary police officers should undertake the operational phases of their probationary training doing team policing in the community. [para. 7.12]

48
Where practicable, policing teams should patrol on foot. [para. 7.13]

49
Neighbourhood policing teams should be empowered to determine their own local priorities and set their own objectives, within the overall Annual Policing Plan and in consultation with community representatives. [para. 7.14]

50
The Northern Ireland police should, both at a service-wide level and at patrol team level, conduct crime pattern and complaint pattern analysis to provide an information-led, problem-solving approach to policing. All police officers should be instructed in problem-solving techniques and encouraged to address the causes of problems as well as the consequences (the priority being to train beat managers and their teams); and they should be regularly appraised as to their performance in doing so. [para. 7.16]

51
DPPB members and other community leaders should be able to attend police training courses in problem-solving techniques. [para. 7.17]


Policing in a Peaceful Society

52
Police stations built from now on should have, so far as possible, the appearance of ordinary buildings; they should have low perimeter walls, and be clearly visible from the street; but they should have security features, which may be activated or reinforced as necessary. [para. 8.5]

53
Existing police stations should – subject to the security situation in their areas and to health and safety considerations – be progressively made less forbidding in appearance, more accessible to public callers and more congenial for those working in them. The public reception areas inside police stations should be made more welcoming, and civilian receptionists could replace police officers. [para. 8.6]

54
District police commanders should have discretion to decide in consultation with their local community how best to balance their resources between static posts and mobile patrols. [para. 8.7]

55
Police cars should continue to be substituted as patrol vehicles in place of armoured Landrovers, and the use of armoured Landrovers should be limited to threatening situations. [para. 8.8]

56
As soon as possible (that is, as soon as the incidence of deployment ceases to be regular) armoured Landrovers should be moved to depots, to be kept in reserve for use in public order policing for as long as this contingency may be required. [para. 8.9]

57
The word "Police" should be painted onto the sides of all Landrovers. [para. 8.10]

58
The role of the army should continue to be reduced, as quickly as the security situation will allow, so that the police can patrol all parts of Northern Ireland without military support. [para. 8.11]

59
For as long as the prospect remains of substantial public order policing demands on the scale seen at Drumcree in recent years, the army should retain the capacity to provide support for the police in meeting those demands. [para. 8.12]

60
Provided the threat of terrorism in Northern Ireland diminishes to the point where no additional special powers are necessary to combat it, legislation against terrorism should be the same in Northern Ireland as in the rest of the United Kingdom. [para. 8.14]

61
In the meantime, with immediate effect, records should be kept of all stops and searches and other such actions taken under emergency powers. [para. 8.14]

62
The three holding centres at Castlereagh, Gough barracks and Strand Road should be closed forthwith and all suspects should in future be detained in custody suites based in police stations. [para. 8.15]

63
Video recording should be introduced into the PACE custody suites. [para. 8.16]

64
Responsibility for inspecting all custody and interrogation suites should rest with the Policing Board, and Lay Visitors should be empowered not only to inspect the conditions of detention (as at present), but also to observe interviews on camera subject to the consent of the detainee (as is the case for cell visits). [para. 8.16]

65
The question of moving towards the desired objective of a routinely unarmed police service should be periodically reviewed in the light of developments in the security environment. [para. 8.19]


Public Order Policing

66
The Northern Ireland police should have the capacity within its own establishment to deal with public order emergencies without help from other police services and without more than the present level of support from the army. [para. 9.6]

67
It should be a condition for the approval of a parade that the organizers should provide their own marshals, and the organizers and the police should work together to plan the policing of such events. This should involve as appropriate the representatives of the neighbourhoods involved in the parade route. [para. 9.9]

68
Marshal training should be further developed, with an appropriate qualification on successful completion of the training. All parades should be marshalled and, as soon as practicable, it should be a requirement that all potentially contentious parades requiring a decision or determination by the Parades Commission should be marshalled by qualified personnel. [para. 9.10]

69
An immediate and substantial investment should be made in a research programme to find an acceptable, effective and less potentially lethal alternative to the Plastic Baton Round (PBR). [para. 9.15]

70
The police should be equipped with a broader range of public order equipment than the RUC currently possess, so that a commander has a number of options at his/her disposal which might reduce reliance on, or defer resort to, the PBR. [para. 9.16]

71
The use of PBRs should be subject to the same procedures for deployment, use and reporting as apply in the rest of the United Kingdom. Their use should be confined to the smallest necessary number of specially trained officers, who should be trained to think of the weapon in the same way as they would think of a firearm, that is as a weapon which is potentially lethal. Use of PBRs should in the first instance require the authorisation of a district commander. This should be justified in a report to the Policing Board, which should be copied to the Police Ombudsman. Wherever possible, video camera recordings should be made of incidents in which the use of PBRs is authorised. [para. 9.17]

72
Officers’ identification numbers should be clearly visible on their protective clothing, just as they should be on regular uniforms. [para. 9.18]

73
The Policing Board and, as appropriate, the Police Ombudsman should actively monitor police performance in public order situations, and if necessary seek reports from the Chief Constable and follow up those reports if they wish. [para. 9.19]

74
Guidance governing the deployment and use of PBRs should be soundly based in law, clearly expressed and readily available as public documents. [para. 9.20]


Management and Personnel

75
The Northern Ireland police leadership team should include specialists in change management. These may be either civilians or police officers, preferably both. The leadership team should produce a programme for change, to be presented to the Policing Board and reviewed periodically by the Board. The efficiency and effectiveness of each chief officer should be judged on the basis of, among other things, their capacity to introduce and adapt to change. [para. 10.3]

76
District commanders should have fully devolved authority over the deployment of personnel (officer and civilian) within their command, devolved budgets (including salary budgets), authority to purchase a range of goods and services, and to finance local policing initiatives. They should reach service level agreements with all headquarter support departments. [para. 10.7]

77
It should be a high priority of management to ensure that the appraisal system is fully effective. This system should be used as part of the promotion and selection process. An officer’s capacity for change should be assessed and should also be taken into account in the promotion and selection process. [para. 10.10]

78
District commanders should be required regularly to account to their senior officers for the patterns of crime and police activity in their district and to explain how they propose to address their districts’ problems. [para. 10.11]

79
An automated trend identification system for complaints should be introduced. [para. 10.12]

80
The use of trend information should be followed up by management, and as appropriate by the department responsible for discipline, and guidance should be drawn up to help managers use this information effectively. [para. 10.13]

81
Police managers should use random checks as a way to monitor the behaviour of their officers in dealings with the public and their integrity. [para. 10.14]

82
Police management should use all the tools at its disposal, including when necessary the administrative dismissal process, to ensure that high professional and ethical standards are consistently met. [para. 10.15]

83
There should be a tenure policy, so that officers do not have inordinately long postings in any specialist area of the police. [para. 10.16]

84
Officers injured on duty should be treated as a separate category for sickness recording purposes. [para. 10.17]

85
A new policy should be formulated for the management of long-term sickness absence, incorporating appropriate arrangements for medical retirement, career counselling and welfare support. A system of rewards, as well as sanctions, should be introduced as part of the sickness management policy. [para. 10.19]

86
There should be a more detailed review of sickness absence, to establish underlying causes and to make recommendations to address them. [para. 10.19]

87
A substantial fund should be set up to help injured police officers, injured retired officers and their families, as well as police widows. [para. 10.20]

88
The Widows Association should be given an office in police premises, free of charge, and a regular source of finance adequate to run their organization. [para. 10.21]

89
The Assistant Chief Constables currently responsible for support services should be replaced by two civilian Assistant Chief Officers, one responsible for personnel issues and one for finance and administration. [para. 10.22]

90
There should be a rigorous programme of civilianisation of jobs which do not require police powers, training or experience, exceptions being made only when it can be demonstrated that there is a good reason for a police officer to occupy the position. [para. 10.23]

91
The Policing Board and the police service should initiate a review of police support services with a view to contracting out those services where this will enhance the efficient management of resources. Consideration should be given to allowing "management buy-outs" of support services by police officers or civilian employees interested in continuing to provide those services as a private sector company, and in such cases management buy-out contractors should be offered a secure contract for at least three years to enable them to establish themselves before having to tender for renewal. [para. 10.25]

92
The police should commission a comprehensive audit of the whole police estate, to include outside experts, and develop a strategy for achieving an effective and efficient estate to meet the objectives for policing as outlined in this report. [para. 10.28]


Information Technology

93
There should be an urgent, independent, and in-depth strategic review of the use of information technology (IT) in policing. It should benchmark the Northern Ireland police against police services in the rest of the world and devise a properly resourced strategy that places them at the forefront of law enforcement technology within 3 to 5 years. It should be validated by independent assessment. The strategy should deliver fully integrated technology systems that are readily accessible to all staff, and should take advantage of the best analytical and communications systems currently available. Users of the technology should play a key part in devising the strategy, and in assessing its implementation. [para. 11.13]


Structure of the Police Service

94
There should be one district command for each District Council area. [para. 12.4]

95
In general, each district command should be headed by a Superintendent and resourced sufficiently to be self-contained for day-to-day policing purposes and capable of marshalling strength to cope with most unexpected demands. However, in the districts with small populations the commander should be a Chief Inspector, and the districts should draw on assistance from larger neighbouring district commands for functions in which it is not feasible for a small command to be self-sufficient. [para. 12.5]

96
The divisional layer of management and the regional headquarters should be removed, and there should be a direct reporting line from each district commander to the appropriate Assistant Chief Constable at central police headquarters. District commanders in smaller council areas, whatever their rank, should have such a direct reporting line, reflecting the accountability arrangements we have recommended. There should be much greater delegation of decision-making authority to district commanders than is the case now with sub-divisional commanders, including control over a devolved budget and all police resources in their district. [para. 12.6]

97
There should be a slimmer structure at police headquarters – one that reflects the shift of focus towards community policing and the delegation of responsibility to district commanders, and permits a more rigorous and strategic approach to management. There should be no more than one Deputy Chief Constable. The number of Assistant Chief Officers should be reduced to six from the present twelve. The position of "Deputy Assistant Chief Constable" should be deleted forthwith. The rank of Chief Superintendent should be phased out. [para. 12.9]

98
Special Branch and Crime Branch should be brought together under the command of a single Assistant Chief Constable. [para. 12.12]

99
There should be a substantial reduction in the number of officers engaged in security work in the new, amalgamated command. [para. 12.13]

100
Security officers should be required to keep their district commanders well briefed on security activities in their districts, and district commanders should be fully consulted before security operations are undertaken in their district. [para. 12.14]

101
The support units of Special Branch should be amalgamated into the wider police service. [para. 12.15]

102
Officers should not spend such long periods in security work as has been common in the past. [para 12.16]

103
The future police service should not include a Full Time Reserve. [para. 12.17]

104
There should be an enlarged Part Time Reserve of up to 2,500 officers, the additional recruits to come from those areas in which there are currently very few reservists or none at all. [para. 12.18]


Size of the Police Service

105
Provided the peace process does not collapse and the security situation does not deteriorate significantly from the situation pertaining at present, the approximate size of the police service over the next ten years should be 7,500 full time officers. [para. 13.9]


106
The early retirement or severance package offered to regular officers and full time reservists aged 50 or above should include a generous lump sum payment according to length of service, pension enhancement of up to five years, early payment of pension commutation entitlement and payment in lieu of pension until pensionable age is reached. Full time reservists should be treated as far as possible in the same way as regular officers. [para. 13.12]

107
Regular officers with more than five years’ service and all full time reservists, leaving the police service before the age of 50, should receive a substantial lump sum payment. [para. 13.13]

108
The Training and Employment Agency should develop measures for police officers (and civilians) seeking other employment, in consultation with police management and the staff associations. The Police Retraining and Rehabilitation Trust should have a role in this programme, and should have enhanced staffing and funding to enable it to deal with a substantially larger workload. [para. 13.17]

109
Police recruiting agencies in Great Britain should take full account of the policing experience of former RUC reservists in considering applications for employment in police services in Great Britain. [para. 13.19]

110
The British government should offer former reservists the opportunity to participate in British policing contingents in United Nations peacekeeping operations. [para. 13.19]


Composition and Recruitment of the Police Service

111
The Northern Ireland Civil Service management should facilitate transfers of civilian members of the police service to other Northern Ireland departments and should cooperate with the Policing Board and the Chief Constable in achieving a balanced and representative civilian workforce. [para. 14.16]

112
Every effort should be made to ensure that the composition of the staff of the Policing Board, the NIO Police Division (or any successor body), and the office of the Police Ombudsman should be broadly reflective of the population of Northern Ireland as a whole, particularly in terms of political/religious tradition and gender. [para. 14.17]

113
All community leaders, including political party leaders and local councillors, bishops and priests, schoolteachers and sports authorities, should take steps to remove all discouragements to members of their communities applying to join the police, and make it a priority to encourage them to apply. [para. 15.2]

114
The Gaelic Athletic Association should repeal its rule 21, which prohibits members of the police in Northern Ireland from being members of the Association. [para. 15.2]

115
Liaison should be established between all schools and universities and the police service in Northern Ireland immediately, and work experience attachments and familiarisation days should be organized with active support and encouragement from community leaders and teachers. [para. 15.4]

116
Provided there is active support and encouragement from local political and community leaders, pilot police cadet schemes should be set up. [para. 15.6]

117
The police should contract out the recruitment of both police officers and civilians into the police service. There should be lay involvement, including community representatives, on recruitment panels. [para. 15.7]

118
The recruitment agency should advertise imaginatively and persistently, particularly in places likely to reach groups who are under-represented in the police. [para. 15.8]

119
The agency should advertise beyond Northern Ireland, in the rest of the United Kingdom and in the Republic of Ireland. [para. 15.8]

120
All candidates for the police service should continue to be required to reach a specified standard of merit in the selection procedure. Candidates reaching this standard should then enter a pool from which the required number of recruits can be drawn. [para. 15.9]

121
An equal number of Protestants and Catholics should be drawn from the pool of qualified candidates. [para. 15.10]

122
Priority should be given to creating opportunities for part time working and job-sharing, both for police officers and police service civilians, and career breaks should be introduced. [para. 15.11]

123
Child care facilities should be introduced where practicable, or child care vouchers and flexible shift arrangements offered. [para. 15.11]

124
The recruitment process should be reduced to no more than six months. [para. 15.12]

125
Young people should not be automatically disqualified from entry into the police service for relatively minor criminal offences, particularly if they have since had a number of years without further transgressions. The criteria on this aspect of eligibility should be the same as those in the rest of the United Kingdom. There should be a procedure for appeal to the Police Ombudsman against disqualification of candidates. [para. 15.13]

126
All officers – those now in service as well as all future recruits – should be obliged to register their interests and associations. The register should be held both by the police service and by the Police Ombudsman. [para. 15.16]

127
The recruitment agency should seek to identify Northern Ireland Catholic officers in other police services, including the Garda Siochana, contact them and encourage them – particularly those in more senior ranks – to apply for positions in the Northern Ireland police. [para. 15.17]

128
Lateral entry of experienced officers from other police services, and secondments or recruitments from non-police organizations should be actively encouraged. [para. 15.18]


Training, Education and Development

129
A training, education and development strategy should be put in place, both for recruit training and for in-service training, which is linked to the aims of this report and to the objectives and priorities set out in the policing plans. These plans should incorporate training and development requirements. [para. 16.4]

130
A total training and development budget should be established, covering all aspects of training, and this should be safeguarded against transfers to other sub-heads. [para. 16.5]

131
The Northern Ireland police should have a new purpose-built police college and the funding for it should be found in the next public spending round. [para. 16.6]

132
There should be service level agreements between police districts/departments and the police Training Branch setting out what the Branch is expected to deliver to the district or department concerned. [para. 16.8]

133
There should be a high degree of civilian input into the recruit training programme. The director of the training centre (and the new college when this is opened) should have both academic qualifications and management expertise. Civilian instructors should be employed, or brought in as necessary to conduct as many elements of the training programme as possible. Some modules of recruit training should be contracted out to universities and delivered on university premises, ideally together with non-police students. [para. 16.10]

134
Civilian recruits to the police service should also attend the police college, and do some of their training together with police officer recruits. [para. 16.11]

135
Recruits who do not already have degrees should be encouraged to acquire appropriate academic qualifications during the first two years of their career. Encouragement should be given to those officers who wish to go on to study for further relevant qualifications. [para. 16.12]

136
Attestation as a police officer should take place only upon successful completion of the recruit training course. A sufficiently rigorous standard should be required for success in that course; and completion of the course should be marked by a graduation ceremony. [para. 16.13]

137
The hours spent on drill should be considerably reduced. [para. 16.14]

138
Problem-solving and partnership approaches should be central to the recruit training course, and scenario exercises should be further developed as training tools. [para. 16.16]

139
Community awareness training for police recruits should be developed to include representatives of all the main political and religious traditions in Northern Ireland. Community awareness should not be seen as a stand-alone element of recruit training; it should be integrated into all aspects of training. [para. 16.17]

140
The Northern Ireland police should introduce a comprehensive tutor officer scheme. Tutor officers should be carefully selected, according to their commitment and adaptability to the new style of policing, and trained. [para. 16.18]

141
Every member of the police service should have, as soon as possible, a course on the impact on policing of the new constitutional arrangements for Northern Ireland, the new policing arrangements set out in this report, and the reforms of the criminal justice system. [para. 16.20]

142
As a matter of priority, all members of the police service should be instructed in the implications for policing of the Human Rights Act 1998, and the wider context of the European Convention on Human Rights and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [para. 16.21]

143
All police managers should have management training, as appropriate, and every manager should at some stage of his/her career do a management course in a non-police environment, such as a business school or university. Use should be made of management workshops, so that managers can discuss and develop with each other how best to reshape the police organization. [para. 16.22]

144
Every officer and civilian in the service should undergo adequate training in information technology. [para. 16.23]

145
Opportunities should be taken for joint training with civilian analysts, and members of other police services. [para. 16.23]

146
The Northern Ireland police should draw on the success of neighbourhood policing in such places as the Markets area of Belfast in developing a neighbourhood policing training programme for all members of the police service. Standard training for neighbourhood officers should include modules on such community problems as domestic violence, child abuse, rape, drugs and youth issues and this training should be updated as necessary. [para. 16.24]

147
The training curricula for the police service should be publicly available, and easily accessible, eg. on the Internet. [para. 16.25]

148
Some training sessions should be open to members of the public to attend, upon application, priority being given to members of the Policing Board or District Policing Partnership Boards, Lay Visitors, or other bodies, statutory or non-governmental, involved in working with the police. [para. 16.26]

149
The new police college should offer a pilot citizens course, to assess demand in Northern Ireland. [para. 16.26]


Culture, Ethos and Symbols

150
While the Royal Ulster Constabulary should not be disbanded, it should henceforth be named the Northern Ireland Police Service. [para. 17.6]

151
The Northern Ireland Police Service should adopt a new badge and symbols which are entirely free from any association with either the British or Irish states. [para. 17.6]

152
The Union flag should no longer be flown from police buildings. [para. 17.6]

153
On those occasions on which it is appropriate to fly a flag on police buildings, the flag flown should be that of the Northern Ireland Police Service and it, too, should be free from associations with the British or Irish states. [para. 17.6]

154
The colour of the current police uniform should be retained, but a new, more practical style of uniform should be provided to police officers. [para. 17.7]

155
Police memorials in police buildings should remain as they are and where they are. [para. 17.8]

156
The maintenance of a neutral working environment should become an assessed management responsibility at all levels of management. [para. 17.9]


Cooperation with other Police Services

157
The Northern Ireland police and the Garda Siochana should have written protocols covering key aspects of cooperation. [para. 18.7]

158
The present pattern of meetings between the police services in Northern Ireland and the Republic should be enhanced by an annual conference, designed to drive forward cooperation in areas of common concern. [para. 18.8]

159
There should be a programme of long-term personnel exchanges, such as fixed-term secondments, between the Northern Ireland police and the Garda, in specialist fields where cooperation between the two services is most needed, such as drugs, and in areas such as training. [para. 18.10]

160
Consideration should be given to posting liaison officers from each service to the central headquarters and/or border area headquarters of the other. [para. 18.10]

161
There should be structured cooperation between the two police services in training. [para. 18.11]

162
There should be joint disaster planning between the Northern Ireland police and the Garda Siochana and the plans should be tested by regular joint exercises. [para. 18.12]

163
Consideration should be given to establishing a provision for an immediate exchange of officers and pooling of investigative teams after major incidents with a substantial cross-border dimension, akin to the arrangements which exist between Kent and the police services of France and Belgium. [para. 18.13]

164
Every effort should be made to ensure that fast, effective and reliable communications are established between the Garda and the Northern Ireland police both through improved radio links and through compatible IT systems. [para. 18.14]

165
Joint database development should be pursued as a matter of priority in all the main areas of cross-border criminality, such as drugs, smuggling, vehicle theft and terrorism. [para. 18.15]

166
A determined effort should be made to develop exchanges, and long-term secondments, between the Northern Ireland police and police services in Great Britain. [para. 18.16]

167
There should be training exchanges and some joint training between the Northern Ireland police and police services in Great Britain. [para. 18.17]

168
Consideration should be given to structured links between the four principal police training establishments in the British Isles, namely Bramshill (England), Templemore (Republic of Ireland), Tulliallan (Scotland) and Garnerville or the proposed new police college in Northern Ireland. [para. 18.17]

169
International training exchanges should be further developed, focussing in particular on matters where the police in Northern Ireland need overseas police cooperation and on best practice developments in policing worldwide. There should be cooperation with other police services in the field of research. [para. 18.18]

170
The police should develop opportunities to provide more training for overseas police services in their areas of excellence. [para. 18.19]

171
The Northern Ireland police should be ready to participate in future United Nations peace-keeping operations. [para. 18.20]

172
An eminent person, from a country other than the United Kingdom or Ireland, should be appointed as soon as possible as an oversight commissioner with responsibility for supervising the implementation of our recommendations. [para. 19.4]

173
The government, the police service, and the Policing Board (and DPPBs) should provide the oversight commissioner with objectives (with timetables) covering their own responsibilities, and should report on the progress achieved at the periodic review meetings, and account for any failures to achieve objectives. [para. 19.5]

174
The commissioner should in turn report publicly after each review meeting on the progress achieved, together with his or her observations on the extent to which any failures or delays are the responsibility of the policing institutions themselves or due to matters beyond their control. [para. 19.5]

175
The oversight commissioner should be appointed for a term of five years. [para. 19.6]

Full Report: https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/issues/police/patten/patten99.pdf

Source: Chris Patten
https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/issues/police/patten/recommend.htm