Tuesday, June 23, 2026

Toppling the AI empire in an era of the tech trillionaire: ‘Nothing is inevitable’ (Polished Transcript)

Interview Transcript

Interviewer: Tom Grundy

Guest: Karen Hao

    

TG:

Welcome to a special episode of HKFP Yum Cha with the Karen Hao, a multi-award winning journalist working on AI, author of the best-selling Empire of AI (now out in paperback) and co-host of the BBC’s The Interface podcast. Karen studied mechanical engineering at MIT and was previously with the Wall Street Journal here in Hong Kong. This year she launched the AI Resist List to document examples of resistance to the AI revolution/apocalypse around the world. And she herself remains a rather lonely but bleeding critical voice on the bleeding edge of the Zeitgeist—all at a time when we’re awash with AI evangelists espousing the merits of a technology that’s disrupting business, politics, and the environment. 

Karen, thank you for coming in to our humble headquarters in this new trillionaire era and for braving the rain. If you hear thunder, it’s because you’ve angered the AI gods, okay? 


Karen:

Exactly.


TG:

I’ll let you just talk about the colonialism metaphor you rely on in the book. 


Karen:

First of all, thank you for having me. I love being in a news office again.

The reason why my book is called Empire of AI is because I called the companies like Open AI "Empires of AI". "Empire" is the only metaphor that I’ve really ever found to encompass every facet of how these companies operate and how we should ultimately think about their role in society. 

So, first and foremost, they amass an extraordinary amount of economic and political power and you could argue that they’ve become the preeminent or dominant power in today’s world, but they do that through the dispossession of the majority.

In my book, I talk about four specific parallels, but there’s honestly many more.

The first is that they like to claim resources that are not their own: the data of individuals, the intellectual property of artists, journalists, writers, etc.

The second feature is that they exploit extraordinary amount of labour. The workers that they use to produce their technologies see very little value in return; the workers are displaced through the deployment of this technology; ultimately they then accrue the value of the salary that would have gone to that worker because the company is instead buying their product or service.

The third parallel is that empires always control the flow of information in society, and the empires of AI do that both by censoring and controlling what kind of research is produced on AI. So the public is in the dark about the true limitations and capabilities of these technologies. Also these companies are ultimately producing an information technology where they want to be the portal through which everyone around the world uses to understand the rest of the world. 

The final one is that they wrap this all up in a civilizing mission, saying that they’re doing this for the progress of all of humanity. 


TG:

Right. Sam Altman, in the early days in particular, said, "It’s going to solve cancer, the housing crisis, the climate crisis, democracy, poverty, mental health, inequality." But they’ve also warned of deadly bioweapons, cyber security chaos, massive job losses, misinformation, literal existential risk. Sometimes they will have a model and they’ll warn, “Oh no, I’ve accidentally on purpose created something really dangerous. Again, somebody stop me."

Why is it important that tech chiefs seem to have to play to both hopes and fears?


Karen:

This goes back to the fourth parallel of why I I call these companies empires. It's because religion is a really powerful feature of empire building.

There is the civilizing mission, and that promises to bring humanity to a heaven-like state, but complementary to that, and what goes hand-in-hand with that, is the threat of descending into a hellish state. These are like the oldest stories that we’ve told ourselves throughout human history. It's the idea of utopia and dystopia, heaven and hell. By conveying that there are such extraordinary stakes, what these tech chiefs do is, they create this narrative ofor justification forwhy they must retain total control over this technology’s development: If it falls into the wrong hands, then we’re doomed, but we could in fact access that utopia.

So, it doesn’t really work unless there is this kind of evil empire competing against what they are ultimately trying to achieve. 


TG:

Do you feel they’re giving up more on the hopeful stuff lately? I think, you know, as money seems to coming more of a thing, they’re leaning on more on "it’ll reduce your head count and cut costs".


Karen:

I don’t think they’re leaning on it more than usual. I think there are just a couple dynamics happening.

One dynamic is that, within the AI world, different executives will lean on different dimensions of this narrative. Sam Altman is more traditionally leaning on the side of utopia and using the carrot to try and get people to go in this particular direction and allow his company to do whatever they want, whereas Dario Amodei of Anthropic typically leans more on the doomer narrative.

What’s happened in the recent months is that Anthropic has become much more of a dominant force and is beginning to out compete OpenAI both in terms of commercial value and also in narrative swaying power. We’re now hearing more of the doom narrative because that’s what Anthropic foregrounds in its storytelling, but both crutches or both legs of the stool have always been there from the very beginning of this industry.


TG:

Talking to "doom", this may be your first interview since the world burst its first trillionaire last week.

If we have this "underclass" created through massive unemployment, innovation being stifled by IP theft, and if the environment is ruined, what market is left to sell to? What even is the end game?

You went to school with some of these tech bros. What at this stage is their motive? What’s the point in a trillionaire?


Karen:

Um... I couldn’t tell you, haha...


TG:

If it’s money (maybe) in the early days, is it now power?


Karen:

I think money has always been a lever of power. There’s no point in accruing money if we didn’t live in a capitalistic system, where money brings you a significant amount of power. So, it’s always been about power. 

We have reached a stage of capitalism where the system has allowed for the creation of these individuals with extraordinary extraordinary degrees of power as manifested in many ways, not just monetary, right? Elon Musk before he was a trillionaire already had an an exorbitant amount of political power and other forms of power, in addition to financial power.

So, I think that this is the perfect example of runaway capitalism and also imperialism, in a way that part of why I think these companies and individuals at their heads are so fixated on this idea of wanting ever more is because of this drive to capture everything under the sun, the way that an empire used to.

I mean, even though Elon Musk is the first trillionaire, you see this ideology parodied and manifesting among all of the the heads of these companies. Sam Altman, before he became the CEO of OpenAI, was the president of Y Combinator, a startup accelerator in the Valley, and he said back then, "I want to invest in 10x more companies year after year until I’m investing in every single company in the world."

It’s like there’s this drive to want to lay claim to everything. Until that happens, it’s not enough. 


TG:

To run with the metaphor of "Empire", we saw this decolonization process after World War II, where the colonial powers were overstretched, the money was running out, and there were indigenous resistance movements coming up, there was this UN framework for states to sign up to, defining things like self-determination. With AI now, we’re seeing localized uprisings. The AI firms are looking overstretched in recent months. Last week, we HKFP signed up to join the SPUR coalition, which is a journalistic effort to have some framework for AI firms to sign up to, which can monetize the AI telemetry and try to correct some of the copyright issues.

Are there parallels or lessons when it comes to how to take down "Empire"?


Karen:

I absolutely think there’s parallels. I mean, one of the things we should take as a lesson from history is that empires are not inevitable. Even though they feel that way, every single empire has fallen in history. Part of it has been because there is a broad coalition of resistance movements that build up and then topple the empire.

I think the analogy holds in a way that what we are seeing now is that in the global conversation around AI, there’s been a significant change in sentiment. I mean, when I was working on the book just two years ago, the hype was out of control and everyone was parroting the industry’s narratives that this is going to be the best thing since sliced bread. Now what we’re seeing is many more people aware of the environmental harms, the labor exploitation, the public health harms, and questioning whether or not this is really the way that we should be approaching AI development, being deeply concerned about the impact on their kids and their critical thinking and their future economic opportunities and so on and so forth.

In the US, what we’re seeing is that 80% of Americans are now concerned about AI and it’s becoming a top issue in the midterm elections. Through this broad base of dissatisfaction, we are then seeing all these different resistance movements popping up and, in uncoordinated ways, independently beginning to push back and actually hold the industry accountable. It is having an effect on the ways that these companies are actually able to operate. 

So I think what we saw with how empires of old ended up meeting their end is beginning to play out with the empires of AI. 


TG:

Is it mostly environmental stuff that’s driving the push back?


Karen:

No, actually, every single harm that is coming out of these companies, I think, are all intersecting motivations for push-back. 

I mean, environmental stuff is one of them, but labour is a huge one. When you have an industry saying "we’re coming after all of your jobs", that really is a huge mobilising and rallying call for a lot of people to think "wait a minute then, why are we building a technology to do that". 

Psychological harm towards kids is a really big one, of course. That was a really big one for holding social media accountable as well. It's "why are we okay with platforms eroding the mental health of our teens". As people have realized that AI chatbots can engage in a similar kind of psychological impact, that is yet another thing that is galvanizing parents to be really critical of these companies.

The reason why there’s such a broad coalition of resistance happening is because there are so many different reasons why people are resisting and it is essentially touching every single asset and every single community in society now in these negative ways.


TG:

You said when you finished the book, it was all rather depressing, but this has totally changed over the last year or two. And now you’ve put together this AI Resist List, where I was looking through different examples from around the world, one in China even. But looking at the US, you now have push-back against the push-back. State-level national agencies are starting to monitor and conflate these movements with terrorism. Trump has sort of banned states from regulating AI altogether.

Is that going to make resistance rarer and tougher? Is it going to be sustainable? 


Karen:

It’s interesting. Certainly, it’s going to make resistance tougher, but does that mean that it’s going to make it rarer? I actually think the opposite is going to happen. 

You can look at the tech industry itself as a microcosm of the resistance that’s happening around the world. So tech employee organizing used to be a very popular thing. In the 2016 to 2018 period, there were a lot of employees in these big tech companies that started engaging in street protests, open letters, even unionising to hold their leadership accountable, especially during the first era of the Trump administration. That energy dispersed because of the pandemic and because of various other challenges that the tech industry was facing. 

And now we are seeing a return of this resistance. Actually, one of the things that we feature on the AI Resist List is this open letter from Amazon employees, where they talk about the intersecting harm that they see their company engaging in with this accelerated aggressive AI development that is enabling surveillance, for example, and authoritarianism in the US.

It’s pretty remarkable that we are seeing this bubble up out of time like now because within the tech industry, executives have become more happy than ever before to surveil their employees, to fire them, to punish and penalize them for this kind of outspoken organizing, and yet we are seeing more of it. It’s actually in part because of the very reaction of these executives trying to snuff out this resistance, because it somehow has revealed [the true nature] and the mask has come off. 

I think in the past, employees wouldn’t always protest or participate because they felt like they were actually at benevolent companies and they were working for benevolent people and they were happy to participate in that kind of story. But now it’s become increasingly obvious that Silicon Valley has become fused with Washington in these deeply troubling ways. Even though there is much greater risk to the employees, they feel compelled to speak out and to push back. 

I think that’s going to be the same story for resistance everywhere, outside of the tech industry, as well. Even as there is greater surveillance, greater snuffing out of this kind of protest, it is going to actually inflame and fuel even further the desire and momentum to resist.


TG:

One of the examples is data centres. They’re set up, they drain and pollute water sources, gas turbines polluting the air. You’ve talked about this from a more perfect union outside Memphis, a poorer black community.

If Americans resist, and everything goes to the plan as you’ve laid out in these grassroots movement, do you not fear that there’ll be a race to the bottom where this kind of infrastructure is going to be put completely out of sight in mind, perhaps in the less developed world, maybe where there’s less regulation or even in places like Hong Kong, which—let’s say—is a low-resistance-low-regulation haven?


Karen:

There’s definitely been attempts by the tech industry to put these infrastructure in places where they believe there will be less resistance, and it has repeatedly failed. 

I talk in my book about how Google attempted to do this in Latin America. They tried to put a data centre in a very poor working-class community outside of Santiago, Chile, and they received the biggest uprising that they had really ever faced before as a company. They were shocked that this community, which, by all accounts, has the least amount of power in the face of a multi-national rich corporation like Google. Google actually was unable to build their data centre for years and years because of the degree of push-back. So then they were like, "Well, fine. If we can’t build it in this community, we’re going to move to Uruguay." And so, then they tried and it turned out that there were community leaders in Uruguay who had read about the resistance in Chile and they then engage in the same protest and the same resistance and so Google was unable to build their data centre in Uruguay, either. These companies absolutely try to play different countries against each other, different communities against each other. They try to pit people in these ways, but it hasn’t actually been a successful strategy. 

I would love to recommend a book called The Wall Dancers by Yi-ling Liu, which talks about China and the history of resistance and protest in China in relation to censorship of the government as well. It’s a very beautiful and deeply reported story that looks at how there’s actually a significant amount of agency and expression and resistance that happens underground even in places like China. That's why with the AI Resist List we had an example from China, we had an example from Hong Kong, to show that this narrativethat these places don’t have any agency and individuals don’t have any say in these kinds of issuesis not actually a correct narrative.

I've done a lot of book events in Hong Kong, and at the book events, I've found that people are just as concerned about AI development and are thinking critically about how they want this technology to shape the future and are thinking about whether or not they want to allow these companies to engage in certain kinds of reckless behaviour.


TG:

We reported last week that Hong Kong has the third dirtiest data centres in the worldafter, I think, Indonesia and India. Can you tell us about the example from China with ByteDance on the AI Resist List ? 


Karen:

Oh, yeah. You know what, we actually have two examples from China.

So, the ByteDance example. There was this really interesting moment, in which ByteDance tried to release a feature with their video generation model that would allow users to upload a single photo and then generate a fake video of that person in their likeness. There was such a huge backlash on social media that ByteDance actually had to suspend the feature.

There are a number of examples that we have on our AI Resist List where there was very clear actual reaction from the company, which is, the company had to actually pull back what they were trying to do. These examples are rare. A lot of the examples that we have are more focused on accountability where the cases are still in progress, like the company hasn’t responded yet and it’s just a building or accumulation of pressure. But actually in a lot of the examples that we found in China, the accountability had already happened. 

The second example is of a voice actress in China who suedI forget which companyfor taking her voice data without consent to then create an AI voice. She actually won the case in the Chinese courts. Both the AI company and the company that sold her voice data to the AI company were fined and held legally liable. 


TG:

I feel that there’s a much broader collective growing when it comes to AI in a recent year or two.

Aside from the companies that are backtracking and rehiring humans, or companies running out of money for their tokens or whatever, pretty much everyone I notice online is that, if some company puts out a "we now have AI XYZ" or whatever, or Coca-Cola trying to do an AI-generated ad etc., there’s just abuse in the comments. 

Even myself, I am getting caught out now with some of the generative AI stuff. I was kind of blubbing quite late at night listening to this beautiful 1960s Italian song on YouTube, and then I realized it was bloody AI, and I can tell. Even as journalists, we’ve also been caught out occasionally. I guess there’s that icky weird feeling you get, the feeling of being ripped off, that only existed after you learnt what was going on. Why do people feel ripped off by that kind of content? And if it becomes totally indistinguishable from the real thing, are people really going to continue to care in years to come? 


Karen:

I think often times we get a little bit caught up in this idea that if AI generated content is indistinguishable from human generated content, then that means they’re interchangeable. But that’s [not the case].

[Even if] they’re the same at a superficial level in their presentation, but they’re not actually the same in terms of what they represent. Human-generated art is a representation of a person’s lived experience and the reason why we like looking at human-generated art, listening to human-generated music and we feel that ickyness with AI-generated stuff is because we are in that moment of engaging in a piece of art, like entangling our life with another person’s life, and it feels really meaningful because we know that at the other end of that entanglement was a real person who had emotions and thoughts and experiences that were similar to ours.

So, even though AI-generated art might at some point be indistinguishable in certain respects at a presentation level, it doesn’t actually represent the same thing. 

Will there be moments where people might consume AI-generated art and still have an experience that is meaningful to them personally? Yes, I’ve talked with people who feel that they’ve already had that experience. But is it the same thing as interacting with human-generated art and actually engaging with another real person’s thoughts and feelings and emotions? Not at all.


TG:

Yeah, I was quite surprised actually some of the students we spoke to at universities for a future last week were pretty cynical about using AI. This is when the journalism school converted their entire school to be AI-based. I also spoke to a teacher who would sometimes show a picture of a beautiful lake in Switzerland or something to the kids and they’d be like, “Ew, AI.” I mean, it was a real lake actually, but these kids I guess are used to quite ramshackle Hong Kong beaches.

But I wonder if that next generation, the very youngest Generation Alpha or whatever—if Generation Z were born into the internet era, there’s going to be kids coming up—would they be just utterly accepting of AI whilst the rest of us are Abe Simpson shaking our fists at the sky? 

We talked about the differentiation that may be important to us (whether we can tell the difference or not), but will the next generation, the youngest, really care?


Karen:

I think that it’s exactly the opposite way around. 

I think the younger generation care the most, and this was with social media as well. I was the social media generation—I’m a millennial—and it was millennials that started first asking the questions like "Did we actually enjoy growing up in the social media era? Should we be in doing digital detoxes?". All of that cultural push-back against social media, and now many people starting to buy dumb phones, happened with millennials. There was an article from the Financial Times column by John Burn-Murdoch where he looks at the data for social media adoption currently, and it’s already peaked. It’s just in decline now, and the generation that has been the fastest in getting rid of social media is the youngest generation. 

So, we’re seeing the same thing with AI. Gen Alpha and Gen Z are saying things to each other in school like "That’s AI", meaning that’s fake news. One of my my colleagues was explaining to me how a conversation would go. It’s like, a guy says to his friends, “Oh yeah, I have a girlfriend in another school.” And they’re like, “That’s AI.” 


TG:

Haters will say it’s AI.


Karen:

Yeah, exactly. AI is being coded in a negative way in the younger generation. Actually, the people that speak the most excitedly about AI are the boomers. They’ve already had a long and successful career. They’ve already bought their home. They’re business owners, capital owners, etc. They’re the ones that can benefit a lot from this technology. So, they’re super excited about it.


TG:

Yeah, I feel similar in that. I’ve just made it into the millennial cohort, and I’m trying not to behave like Abe Simpson. I’ve printed off our five-page guide for staff because we seek to be GenAI-free. No one sentence on our website should be generated by AI. But we also don’t want to be Luddites and we want to make sure that when it comes to processing data or transcription and experimenting, we’re not completely head in sand. 

You’ve said that you’re not allergic and you use AI, but I’m super curious to know exactly what tools you use and how you might be using it. Is it mostly for research for what you do? Or you’re getting use out of it? How exactly are you interacting with it?

In fact, because of you, me and my partner don’t use it for frivolous things, because we have the environmental thing at the back of our mind. So, no cat pictures and things like that.


Karen:

So, we don’t use GenAI. I don’t use ChatGPT, Gemini or any of the tools. If a new feature comes out, I’ll occasionally test it to understand it better for my reporting purposes. But I’ve never used the tool for research purposes. I don’t recommend people use it for research purposes. The number of times that [you get errors is quite high]. Now Google Search is AI search (everything is AI search), but I think one in every 10 searches I get a really egregious factual error in the AI search. And it often surfaces that things actually aren’t even in the sources that they link to, which is very very confusing. 

I don’t use those types of tools because of three reasons.

One is the ethical stance that I take. It's because I’ve been investigating these companies. 

The second one is a privacy stance. As I investigate these companies, I think that these are the greatest surveillance tools that have ever been built. Every time you use it, you’re giving an extraordinary amount of data to these companies. And for me, I’m particularly sensitive about that.

The third reason is that I don’t think that any of my work actually benefits from GenAI specifically. So I can take the ethical stands without having a particular cost to me.

But I do use other types of AI tools. There’s GenAI and there’s other types of, like, transcription services. I use AI transcription all the time. But I specifically look for transcription companies where:
(1) They have a very high data privacy standard.
For my book, I use a transcription service that only did transcription on my local drive. It was not cloud-based.
(2) They are not actually using GenAI.
It's because some transcription tools have actually switched to GenAI in the back end. I just think that’s like using a rocket when you could be using a bicycle.

The other type of tools that I I use... In my book I had this particular detail that I wanted to add, where I was trying to explain to readers how OpenAI had received a really dramatic upgrade in its office after it went from a non-profit to a Microsoft-backed venture. I had noticed that their chairs had gotten significantly fancier. I took screenshots of both the chairs from their old office and their new office and ran them through Google Reverse Image Search, which is a predictive AI tool—it's a specialized AI tool and doesn’t use GenAI as far as I know. [The Image Search] gave me a match on the type of prices that these chairs typically go for online. The first office had chairs that were around $2,000 each. The second one was around $10,000 each. So I added that as a detail, a color detail, into the book to try and evoke the sense of wealth that we’re actually dealing with in these echelons. 


TG:

We’ve definitely noticed this year the number of mistakes AI seems to make and those AI overviews. It’s one of the reasons we shun it basically.

I feel, particularly with Hong Kong, all this bias (if you’re kind of an expert on an issue, you will notice it more when it regurgitates these things). Particularly with the AI overviews, I feel it’s getting more deeply embedded in our tools—in our phones, in our software, etc. Sometimes quite irrelevant software, which really doesn’t need it. 

So I wonder, if you’re quite careful and sensitive, churning of certain types of AI is sustainable in the... We’re going to be buying phones where it’s just baked in or it’s happening behind the scenes with what you’re using. I also fear that they may not declare these kinds of generative algorithms are going to be a play because it’s becoming such a toxic thing.


Karen:

Yeah, I absolutely think that these companies are trying to bake AI into everything because they’ve realized that just relying on consumer demand is not actually helping them turn a profit. So now, you have this thing where I pay for Google Workspace and about six months ago my monthly subscription jacked up its price not because of any feature I’m using but because Google has has decided that they can charge more simply because GenAI is everything now. I’ve disabled GenAI but I still have to pay that premium. That’s how they’re trying to get their money back on the extraordinary investments that they’re making in data centres. 

I think there are a couple things that need to happen. This goes back again to the idea of resistance as a an important mechanism of accountability because without the external pressure, companies will continue to go down this path.

Data centre protest, for example, is a really critical mechanism of accountability that has started making it much harder for companies to develop and deploy their technologies. In 2025, over $150 billion of data centre projects were stalled. This, I think, is in just the US alone, according to Data Center Watch. Many of these facilities were OpenAI facilities, as an example. OpenAI recently had to shut down its video generation tool, Sora. I think there’s a direct line that you can draw from the data centre protests and that shutdown of an entire product line. It's because when you look at the reasons for why OpenAI shut down Sora, all of them were shaped by this grassroots movement. 

One line was that they simply were constrained by their computing resources—okay, that’s like a very clear direct line.

A second  line is that they are about to IPO and they are facing much more financial pressure and uncertainty from Wall Street because Wall Street has been observing all of this resistance and protest and is becoming increasingly worried that the AI industry can’t actually meet its promises. They’re writing about it in their memos and documents, about these companies, and they’re pricing it into their valuation. So OpenAI feels a lot of pressure to shore up and make less risky bets, which means shutting down an entire product line that they’re not really sure how to monetize. 

The third line was flatlining customer demands. They just were not seeing people actually using these tools.

The constellation of these three, all shaped by collective action, was what made Sora meet its demise.

So is there going to be a a huge push from the industry to keep going in this direction? Yes. But that’s why we as individuals and communities and organizations need to be thinking about how we actively use these kinds of push-back mechanisms to shape the trajectory of AI development.

The last thing that I’ll add on this is: A lot of people think of themselves primarily as a consumer when in relation to these companies. It’s like, you either use or you don’t use these tools, and that’s the only option that you have. Again, I don’t actually think that’s the case. You can also be a resident within a community pushing back. You can be a voter. You can be a business leader that actually doesn’t replace your workers, so on and so forth. But consumer is of course a very important hat that we wear, and it is in fact one of the most tangible ways that we as individuals on a day-to-day level can help shape and vote with our feet on what we want these companies to do.

One of the challenges that we have right now with the AI industry is that the burden on the consumer is extremely high in terms of actually understanding what these companies are doing, where they’re putting their AI models, what kind of supply chains they engage in. But we’ve seen this problem before. The fashion industry had this problem, the coffee industry had this problem. As all of these supply chains mature, they end up being like consumer advocacy groups that actually audit the supply chains of these different brands, and they tell consumers "these are the values that this company is actually enacting, versus that company". That gives the consumer more ability to actually move from one product to the other. That also has to be in conjunction with the fashion industry. There was consumer advocacy, there was labor organizing, there was government regulation, international norm setting and all of this in conjunction with one another. That then created new markets for sustainable and ethical fashion brands that then created more visibility for the consumer and so on and so forth.

So we have to go on the same journey with the AI industry. That is yet another thing that we can as individuals do right now to demand that we get there eventually. 

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TG:

As the AI models would say, you’re absolutely right. 

I grew up amid the backlash against Nike 80s, 90s. I remember that, but then China came along with Shein. I wanted to talk a little bit more about China because a lot of the justification for all of the ferocity of AI development is "because China...". "If we don’t do it, they will." "They already are doing it." "They have massive government subsidies. Don’t regulate us." Is this actually justified? Is this like the space race with the US paranoid about Beijing gaining a military edge?


Karen:

I first want to go back to your Shein comment because I think this is a really really really critical point.

Right after I finished writing my book, I read Rebecca Solnit’s Hope in the Dark, which is a very short but beautiful meditation on the history of grassroots movements around the world and how to think about the role of the grassroots movement in pushing forward social and moral progress in society. One of the things that she says in the book is, people tend to have this belief: To win in grassroots movements means that you’ve reached a destination and then there’s never any backsliding ever again. Like you’ve just arrived there and your job is done. If you arrive there and then there is backsliding, somehow that means that everything that you did beforehand doesn’t even matter anymore. That's the belief. I have a lot of friends who are activists and participate in grassroots movements, and they say this is one of the struggles of younger-generation activists. It is this mentality of "if I fought really hard for this thing and then, like, Trump is elected and everything reverses back, does that mean it’s all pointless?" 

In fact, no! Like what Rebecca Solnit says in her book, the point of grassroots movements is that you’re always just being the vector that pushes in the direction of the correct moral force. There will always be other forces that are trying to push back. So yes, you should absolutely expect backsliding. But the backsliding doesn’t mean that everything that you did before is pointless. It means that you have successfully got to a particular place with that action. There’s going to be backsliding and then your job tomorrow and the day after and the day after is to continue pushing in the other way. So, the fact that she has reverted back to certain types of unethical practices in the fashion industry is not in any way discounting all the incredible work that was done to shore up the fashion supply chain beforehand. There will be continued work by those same people to continue pushing and making sure that we can we continue, like advancing the fashion supply chain.


TG:

Do you not feel there is something in the whole "China threat" narrative?


Karen:

I don’t think it’s a real narrative. I mean, it it is a narrative for sure, but I don’t think that it’s based in reality.

Look at the track record that this narrative has actually had over the last 10 years. This is not the first time that Silicon Valley has deployed this narrative. They deployed it through the social media era.  Over the last 10 years, what’s happened was: Silicon Valley said, “We’re going to dominate social media and we’re going to have a liberalizing effect on the world.” And the exact opposite happened. Now the most dominant social media company is ByteDance, and Silicon Valley has had an deliberalizing effect on the world.

With AI, it’s the same thing. They said, “We’re going to dominate the AI space and going to leave China in the dust.” And instead, now China has figured out how to create these open-source, much more efficient models, like Deep Seek, that US companies and US academics often prefer to use now, because it’s free. Why would they pay significantly more money for the same service instead of just downloading it from online?

So this narrative which Silicon Valley has just continued to use to accrue more power to itself has actually backfired in in many different ways. One of the things that I find, a particular pet peeve of mine, is that I think people have a tendency of thinking that anything that comes out of the US is somehow American and represents American democratic values and anything that comes out of China represents the Chinese government and authoritarian values. At the end of the day, I do NOT think any of the companies in Silicon Valley are American in any sense of the word. They do not represent the American people. They’re not acting in the interest of the American people. They’re in fact undermining the American people and in many ways undermining the American Republic. The ultimate thing that they are trying to do is just accrue more power to themselves.

With these Chinese AI models, the open-source ones that are now coming out, you can’t say that they are authoritarian because they are actually democratizing the technology in the way that Silicon Valley often says that they are doing but are in fact not. It's because you can download these tools, you can modify them however you want. They’re free. People are using them in various different ways that are completely outside of the control of the Chinese government or the Chinese companies. Anytime you use them, you’re not sending data back to the company itself because it’s open-source. So, I think that the narrative that the AI industry in the US is deploying is one that just doesn’t hold up against reality. 


TG:

One more, the AI bubble. We’ve been told, for over a year now, we’re in a financial bubble looking to the dotcom boom. How much worse may the effects be if and when it bursts? Is it going to take our pensions down? We’ve been hearing this for a while, is it a conspiracy? Mark Cuban said last week that it might burst gently and AI firms might fall into categories in which they specialize. "This one is doing a bit of healthcare, that one does a bit of coding and maybe it’ll not be so bad." What do you reckon as we sign off with this obscene amount of money that’s being thrown around?


Karen: 

I don’t engage in predictions really because I I think that predictions ultimately make things feel inevitable and the entire core of my work is this idea that nothing is inevitable and everything that we do today is what shapes tomorrow. We should just make sure what we do today leads to a future where we don’t have catastrophic bubble burst.


TG:

Karen, thank you so much for joining us. You’re going to be giving the keynote at the SOPA Awards this week. Empire of AI is out in paperback now. Thanks again for coming in. 


Karen:

Thank you so much for having me.


Source: HKFP

https://hongkongfp.com/2026/06/21/hkfp-yum-cha-karen-hao-toppling-the-ai-empire-in-an-era-of-the-tech-trillionaire-nothing-is-inevitable/

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IKqA8OLpg5E

請問係唔係yuu會員?

「請問係唔係yuu會員?」

呢句說話,你每日都可能聽到最少一次。

惠康、萬寧、7-Eleven、KFC、Pizza Hut、IKEA、Shell油站⋯⋯

全香港超過2,500間舖頭,收銀員都會問你同一句說話。

yuu而家有超過430萬會員,即係超過一半香港人口。累計已經兌換超過1,000億積分。

但你有冇諗過︰

yuu到底係乜?

點解咁多品牌要join呢個計劃?

你每次嘟個條碼,你真正「俾咗」咩?

今日想借yuu呢個大家日日都接觸到嘅嘢,同大家傾一個好多品牌經營者都忽略咗嘅課題︰

CRM——客戶關係管理

做得好,客人會覺得你好了解佢,越買越多。

做得差,客人會覺得你好煩,直接block你。


【yuu背後其實係咩?】

好多人以為yuu只係一個「儲積分換優惠」嘅app。

但其實yuu係一個典型嘅「聯盟型忠誠度計劃」:

即係Customer Relationship Management系統嘅一種。

Customer Relationship Management (下稱CRM) 嘅本質好簡單:

透過收集同分析客戶數據,預測同引導消費者重複購買

你去惠康買嘢嘟yuu → yuu記低你買咗咩、幾時買、買幾多

你去萬寧再嘟 → yuu將兩邊嘅數據串埋,知道你嘅完整消費習慣

之後你打開app → 你以為見到嘅優惠券係random嘅,但其實係根據你嘅行為pattern度身訂造嘅

呢個就係CRM嘅核心邏輯:

用你嘅消費數據,預測你下一步會買咩,然後喺估算下最適合嘅時間推啱嘅嘢俾你。

其實全世界最成功嘅品牌都喺做同一件事。

英國超市Tesco嘅Clubcard將104億行交易數據提煉成25個「生活型態維度」,每季發出800萬個唔同版本嘅個人化優惠。

創造咗6.27億英鎊增量銷售。

Starbucks Rewards如果發現一個每週買3次嘅熟客連續6日冇出現,系統會喺朝早8點自動推送一個個人化挑戰俾佢。

結果,會員日均到店率係非會員嘅5.6倍。

而yuu喺香港做到嘅,係將呢套邏輯鋪到你生活嘅每一個角落。

超市、便利店、藥房、餐廳、油站、傢俬店。

430萬會員,超過一半香港人口。

了解咗yuu背後嘅邏輯之後,我哋再嚟睇︰

作為消費者,你真正「俾咗」咩。


【你以為yuu幫你慳錢?其實佢從你身上賺到嘅遠多過你慳到嘅】

先講一個數字︰

yuu嘅基本積分回贈率係0.5%。

即係你喺惠康使$1,000,你賺到$5。

$5。

但同一時間,yuu知道咗你幾時買嘢、買咩嘢、買幾多、幾密買、同邊個一齊買。

當你喺惠康買咗嬰兒紙尿片,yuu嘅數據庫會即時幫你打上「新手父母」標籤。

下一次你去萬寧,配方奶粉嘅coupon已經喺你個app入面等緊你。

你以為係巧合,但其實係precision

呢個就係CRM嘅核心:

用「小額折扣」換取你嘅「第一手消費行為軌跡」

然後用呢啲數據做cross-selling、做personalization、做預測。

呢個唔係「儲積分」。呢個係一套精密嘅行為預測系統

之前講David Ogilvy:

「消費者唔係傻瓜。佢係你老婆。」

CRM嘅邏輯其實同樣:

品牌係最了解你嘅嗰個人,佢比你更清楚你下一步會買咩。 


【作為消費者,你要注意啲咩?】

我唔係叫大家唔好用yuu。yuu嘅優惠系統如果識得用,真係可以慳到錢。

惠康每月3/13/23號92折。

萬寧每月1/20號94折。

綁定enJoy卡零售回贈升到1.5%、餐飲2.0%。

識得揀日子加埋用,一個月慳幾百蚊唔難。

但有幾樣嘢值得你知道:

第一,「免費嘅嘢最貴」:

你嘅0.5%回贈,換返嚟嘅係你成世嘅消費軌跡同地理位置數據。

77%嘅消費者為咗微小折扣就讓渡隱私。

你有冇認真諗過呢個交換值唔值?

第二,你可能因為儲積分而花多咗錢

研究顯示,loyalty program會員嘅平均每單交易額比非會員高67%。

因為積分同無現金支付會削弱你大腦嘅「付費痛苦」

你以為你喺「賺取」,但你其實喺「支出」。

第三,安全風險

近年頻發假冒yuu嘅釣魚詐騙。

私隱專員公署曾喺一星期內接獲90宗相關騙案,合共損失97萬港元。

當你所有消費痕跡集中喺一個帳戶,資料外洩嘅風險都集中埋。

yuu會員,我唔會反對大家用。

但我覺得每個消費者都值得知道,你每次嘟條碼嘅時候,交易嘅唔止係錢。 


【品牌經營者真正要學嘅嘢:好嘅CRM vs 壞嘅CRM】

講完消費者角度,想同做緊品牌嘅你講一個更重要嘅課題。

CRM背後嘅邏輯,其實每一個專業人士都可以學。

但大部分人學錯咗位。

佢哋學咗「不斷send promotion」,而唔係學「了解你嘅客人」。

呢個分別,就係「好嘅CRM」同「壞嘅CRM」嘅分別。

好嘅CRM令客人覺得︰「呢個品牌好了解我。」

壞嘅CRM令客人覺得︰「呢個品牌好煩,我要block佢。」

數據講得好清楚︰

81%嘅消費者會因為品牌發送太多無用促銷而退訂。

如果30天內send超過4次行銷訊息,56%嘅消費者會直接退訂

經過個人化定制嘅相關內容,打開率可以高達46%

同一個動作,都係send message俾客人。

分別在於你send嘅係「佢需要嘅嘢」定係「你想賣嘅嘢」。

Spotify Wrapped係一個好經典嘅例子:

佢唔係send「本月熱門榜單」俾你。

佢係將你全年嘅聽歌習慣變成一份極靚嘅個人專屬報告,等你你覺得「呢個品牌紀錄咗我嘅喜怒哀樂」,然後你主動share去IG。

反面例子呢?

你一定經歷過︰

某連鎖品牌攞咗你個電話號碼之後,無視你買咩,每日準時10點群發「今日限時7折」SMS。

結果,一個月內app卸載率急升35%。

Send一個message俾客人,聽落好簡單。

但send到客人覺得「你好了解我」而唔係「你好煩」,呢個先係真正嘅功夫。


【你可以點做?CRM嘅核心原則】

你未必做到yuu嘅規模,但CRM背後嘅原則,任何規模嘅品牌都用得到。

核心好簡單:

80%有價值嘅內容,20%推銷

我見過一個保險agent嘅轉變:以前佢逢節日群發「中秋快樂+意外險優惠」,被大量客人Archive。後來佢開始記低每個客人嘅興趣標籤。有個客鍾意行山。某個週末氣溫急降,佢send咗一條「大東山防寒與抽筋急救指南」。

零推銷,100%價值。

結果嗰個客喺BB出世嗰年,主動搵佢買教育基金,轉介紹率升咗3倍。

另一個物理治療師:初診時記低「愛打網球、左膝拉傷史」。療程完咗第15日,自動send一條自己錄嘅「網球愛好者專屬:在家強化膝關節影片」。45日冇回診,send一句非催促性嘅溫和問候。

診所留存率升咗40%。

呢兩個人做嘅嘢,同CRM嘅原則一模一樣:

記住客人係咩人→喺啱嘅時間俾啱嘅內容→令客人覺得被了解而唔係被推銷。

分別只係規模大細。大品牌靠系統做,你靠用心做。

原則一樣,效果一樣好。

有一組數據好值得記住︰獲取新客嘅成本係留住舊客嘅5至25倍

客戶留存率只要提升5%,利潤可以增長25%至95%

你花幾多時間同預算去搵新客?又花幾多時間去照顧好已經信任你嘅舊客?

之前講Steve Jobs︰

「品質嘅認知唔係靠marketing講出嚟,係源自親身體驗。」

你嘅舊客已經「親身體驗」過你嘅服務。佢哋係你最有效嘅marketing渠道。

之前LEGO嘅故事講過:

LEGO Ideas令粉絲參與產品開發,280萬成員自發為品牌創作內容。

你嘅舊客都可以係你嘅「LEGO Ideas」。

佢哋嘅口碑、轉介紹、testimonial,全部都係最有說服力嘅marketing。

但前提係:

你要用「了解佢」嘅方式去對待佢,而唔係用「推銷俾佢」嘅方式。


【判斷你嘅client communication係「貼心」定「spam」嘅四個問題】

每次你想send message俾客人之前,問自己︰

1)呢個message係因為「佢嘅需要」定「我嘅需要」?

→如果係你想賣嘢所以send,就係spam。

2)呢個message有冇personalize到佢嘅情況?

→如果你send俾所有客人同一個內容,就係mass blast。

3)我最近30日send咗幾多次?

→超過4次,56%嘅人會退訂你。

4)如果我收到呢個message,我會覺得「好貼心」定「又嚟」?

→最後呢條就係Ogilvy嘅家人濾鏡︰如果你自己都覺得煩,你嘅客人一定覺得煩。


下次有人問你「請問係唔係yuu會員」嘅時候,你可以嘟。

但同時記住:

你嘅客人每次接收到你嘅message,佢哋心入面都喺度問緊同一條問題︰

「呢個人係想了解我,定係想賣嘢俾我?」

你嘅答案,決定咗佢留低定離開。

覺得有啟發嘅話save低,share俾你身邊搞緊品牌嘅朋友。

或者comment分享下:

你試過被邊個品牌嘅CRM感動過?又試過被邊個品牌煩到想block?

資料來源:DFI零售集團公開數據 / Tesco Clubcard案例研究 / Innovative Marketing 2024 / HubSpot 2022 / 香港私隱專員公署


Source: easy.digital101

https://www.threads.com/@easy.digital101/post/DZ4BX_uDpsn

Monday, June 22, 2026

特朗普要做的兩件神明大事!

這次我只能在會員區的較高級別講。特朗普是相當之religious的背負天命的人,他要做的,我以前略分析過,是處理亨廷頓的文化衝突,但其實他要做的,是神明界的大事。

一是消滅伊斯蘭教,如果不能——這需要一點折衷(妥協),就消滅伊斯蘭極端主義。二是消滅共產主義。這個反而沒有折衷,直接消滅中共就可以了。

攻打伊朗,目的是消滅伊斯蘭極端主義。不是解除伊朗神權的核武,而是要消滅伊朗的神權。極端伊斯蘭(伊朗的激進什葉派)是美國資助才出現的,目的是分化阿拉伯產油國的世界,要美元來照保,要以色列來看管。美國對於不合時宜的神權領導人和軍頭,是派以色列將他們一個個地打死。

在特朗普的部署中,伊朗神權早死,就輪到中共,伊朗神權遲死,也是輪到中共。伊朗早死,中共的死法舒服一些;伊朗遲死,中共的死法悲慘一些。但核心的問題是,伊朗必須死。故此,在伊朗戰爭開始的時候,我一早斷定,美國對伊朗打的是殲滅戰,期間又很多拖延戰術和影子戲法,但根本上是殲滅戰。

對於中共,特朗普發動的是AI燒錢戰爭,正如一九八二年列根總統對蘇聯發起的星球大戰(太空指揮導彈系統)一樣,迫蘇聯跟機,之後燒乾蘇聯的經費,玩死蘇聯。當然,如果蘇聯聰明,對美緩和關係,不跟機的話,蘇聯不需死,到現在還可以存在。

中共呢?AI遊戲是中共必須跟機玩的,因為AI不單是用在戰場(如今次伊朗戰場美國用AI的Claude調配武器和星球大戰對付中共的次級武器),更是用在工廠生產和商貿服務,中共不跟住玩是不行的,基本上中共落到這個田地,處境比蘇聯更惡劣,因為沒得選擇不玩!

美國玩AI,是上市集資,用市場的錢玩,甚至用中港的錢玩;中共玩AI,是國家自己掏錢玩。

此外,最致命的是AI的應用。美國的舊式製造業已經淘汰,新興的AI製造業不會產生大量失業。中共是剛好相反,AI的使用將令到目前大行其道的工廠改變生產方法而另大批工人失業,至於生產的東西,由於較為便宜,會被外國的反傾銷政策用關稅甚至逼人民幣升值來對付。

香港處於這種情景,短期內是安全而繁榮的,因為香港沒什麼可以用AI取代(我昨日的短片講過),長期要看中國大陸的變化(我幾年前在沙龍講過好多次)。


Source: 陳雲

https://www.patreon.com/wanchin/posts/te-lang-pu-yao-161736585

中文系讀什麼學什麼

中學畢業後,考入教育學院,順理當個文憑教師。在六十年代,是一份不錯的職業,比較上薪金優裕,職業有保障。

但過了幾年,對因循教學內容,工作挑戰性不大,有點想跳出這個圈子。恰好這時澳門成立東亞大學,以遙距方式教學,可以不用辭職而攻讀大學課程,於是毫不猶疑報讀中文系。其實當時學費不便宜,每月800元,相當於當時一個職位不錯的文員月薪,而且一年交12個月學費。

到澳門讀中文

在大學校園中,不期遇到一位相熟的朋友,他好奇地問我:你中文這樣好(中學會考中文科優異),為什麼還報讀中文?我不假思索地說:學中文學全套嘛!大家相視而笑才道別。其實我很幸運,中小學每每遇到很出色的中文老師,影響到喜愛中文。此外,報讀大學前已有口碑較好的著述在書肆暢銷,所以朋友才有此一問。

我不會因基礎較好而輕視課程,反而更用心,要花更多時間咀嚼其中精華。除了精讀課文和講義,亦用心功課。每月得到作業課題,必視為最重要任務,盡早盡心盡意完成。終於以三年時間,完成120個學分畢業。

中文系讀什麼?

中文系究竟讀什麼?可能每所大學不同,但想來都應大同小異。當日學系稱「中國文學歷史系」,且列課程如下,好給朋友參考一下。

第一年

101 現代漢語            102 古代散文

103 中國文學史          104 讀書指導

105 中國歷史            106 中國藝術

第二年

201 古代韻文            202 修辭學

203 中國小說史          204 中國現代文學

205中國古代史           206 中國文化史

第三年

301 古代漢語            302 中國文學批評

303 中國近代史          304 詩詞專題研究

305 中國哲學                 306 中國戲曲史

當日澳門初設大學,是私營大學,稱「澳門東亞大學」。聽有關人士說,大學得到北京大學中文系的洽商協助,課程是參照北京大學的。講師教授也有從北京大學來的,班主任程祥徽教授便是北大早年的畢業生。大學後來由澳門政府接辦,改稱「澳門大學」。當日香港政府不承認澳門大學的學位,所以有些朋友讀了一段時間便放棄了。

大學畢業後,隨即接受我讀碩士,導師是羅慷烈教授,碩士論文的校外評審是澳洲大學的柳存仁教授。想不到日後申請移民紐西蘭,澳門大學的學位也得到加分,實意料之外。後來入讀中山大學,獲博士學位,這是後話。

中文系課程沒有令我失望,內容文史哲環環相扣,如百川匯流,相輔相成。幾年的大學課程,如入寶山,使我眼界大開。中華文化的學養包括文史哲學問,從上列課程中可見均有涉及,有如武功中打通奇經八脈。可略窺門徑,亦可登堂入室,得殿堂奧秘。聽說現在有些中文系,再不是「中國文學歷史系」,而是「中國語言與翻譯系」,沒有歷史和文化內涵,好像只有招式而沒有內勁了,不知有沒有缺失?

中文系的出路

讀中文系適合做什麼職業呢?最直接的是文化工作的職位。如教師、記者、報章雜誌編輯,或機構企業的中文秘書。如有機遇,甚而可在電視台等傳媒機構工作。但想有優厚的待遇,在今日社會,跑去讀商務金融好了。

我曾和一位正讀哲學的朋友閒話,問他畢業後可以從事什麼職業。他想了一想,說:什麼職業也可以,也適合。看來說得取巧,但也有其中的道理。其實讀中文系的出路一樣,什麼出路也可以。除了際遇,還是要看看自已的功力與修為。

許多學系是傳授一門一科的特有學識,是專門知識,有專業地位,易於謀生。而然,個人認為讀中文系還有些不同的地方:是增進個人學問和修養,與一個人的思想、決斷極有關係;在做人處事的取捨、輕重、本末、進退,都會有較深刻的透視和認識。

但話說回來,能入讀大學修讀專科學識,宜順應自己的個性,去發展個人潛質,發揮天賦所長。毋須擔心出路才抉擇,正是行行有狀元呢。  —1405字


Source: 香港作家楊興安

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/14fUq7oXAKU/

Friday, June 19, 2026

老人拾柴生火,台灣法院判罰大錢:Common good之消失

圖一:台灣老夫婦因拾走防護林的樹枝回家生火煮食,各被罰款五十萬;輿論質疑法院針對無權無勢的平民百姓。(圖片來源:中時新聞網;假想繪圖,並非真實拍攝。)


台灣一對老夫婦在二〇二四年颱風過後,拾走防護林內被風吹倒的台灣相思枯樹回家生火煮食,因而被捕。法院近日裁定兩人干犯《森林法》罪成,各判有期徒刑六月及罰款五十萬,並須向政府支付三萬元。

輿論質疑那批樹木價值不足四百元,判刑之重不合比例;又指吸毒或酒駕都沒判那麼重,早前有官員濫用公務車輛送寵物送孩子亦沒事,認為法院針對無權無勢的平民百姓。官方則法官在審理時已考慮到樹木是被颱風吹倒,而非夫妻二人砍伐,加上兩人有悔意,因此從輕發落。

這對老夫婦只是從政府林地拾走柴枝自用,並非拿去販賣圖利;至於那些樹枝,則是隨處可見的相思樹,而不是珍稀品種。只是當日他們的做法被其他人拍下舉報,政府才跟進徹查。今次事件類似去年有檢破爛的環保工人,在拾到電鍋後送給阿婆而被同袍舉報,終被控以貪污罪。

如此執法,即使香港秦民遍地,也不常見。香港颱風吹倒的樹,以前很多藝術家在清潔工人收集的木堆裏檢回工作坊做木雕藝術,也在網上宣傳發賣,並未見有人說是盜竊垃圾或木材。這是普通法對於common good(共用財)的理解。台灣這種執法,就是將公共地方的資源(如植林、山野)據為政府所有,而民眾採集柴薪變成犯法,要罰款和判刑這種做法,就是以前十八世紀英國的貴族地主將貧困村民趕走,送入城市做工人那種手段。村民耕地之外,是要去貴族的common land檢視柴草、打獵、捕魚、採蘑菇挖草藥之類謀生的,傳統稱呼這種人做commoners(平民、需要靠貴族山林謀生的農民),貴族一旦收緊common land的用途,村民就丟失生計。在戰國時期,周朝的諸侯也曾收緊山林的使用,迫使農民成為士兵謀生,充當前線攻城略地的敢死隊。這是悲慘的年代。

Source: 陳雲

https://www.patreon.com/wanchin/posts/lao-ren-shi-chai-161512683

Friday, June 12, 2026

不婚不育是窮人的最後堡壘!財團為了削弱工人的抵抗,可以去到幾盡?

 

圖、來自網上

十八世紀工業革命期間,工業資本家的核心議題,除了工業原料和銷貨市場之外,就是如何駕馭工人:如何驅使匠人和農人去城市打工,但又要去除匠人和農人的鄉下蠻性和地域親族支援,籠絡和弱化工人以供使用?

資本家的做法是:人的成長力量和鬥爭力量來自家庭親族,更來自家庭親族締結的地域社群支援,拆散城市工人的鄉下聯繫,兼併甚至充公他們在鄉下的田產,將他們原有的鄉間田園大家庭變成城市樓房核心家庭,滲透他們的城市工會,最終用性別和族群議題來打散他們的家庭和工會,令他們成為孤立的人、原子化的人(atomised people)。在馬克思構思工人階級工會運動的年代,資本家的議程依然在城鄉拆散的階段,仍未去到用性別議題拆散工人家庭支援和用移民族群議題來拆解本地族群工會勢力的階段。故此,性別議題和移民議題是窮人面對的全新議題!

我們是最後一代,不必致謝!人口減少是因為婚姻減少。不婚不育,是明智決定,更是被逼如此。工作碎片化、收入不穩定、性別充滿分化鬥爭的年代,婚姻給予安全感和人生軌道預期的作用減少。女子嫁人望高處,男子娶妻望穩定,當男人愈來愈難做個男人,女人愈來愈難做個女人的時候——婚姻的意義已經消失,變成負擔和虐待。

二戰之後為了削弱男性工人的叫價力和鬥爭力,女權被締造出來,而女權是more equal的權,不是equal的權(因為自居弱勢而受到特別的社會注視、資源偏向和NGO組織維護。例如政府有婦女委員會而不會有男人委員會,少數族裔和新移民的情況也是一樣,有較多的關注和維護。),初期的幾十年還可以忍讓度過,但接近二千年——四五十年之後,男人想忍讓也沒有能力了,因為薪金被男女平權搶薄了,而一九九〇年代的全球移民策略之後,男人的薪金被移民而來的異族群搶薄了,工會運動也被族群議題分化了。各種數碼技術令一般人的開支大增男人的一份工資連養活自己都好勉強,要壓縮慾望來生存,資本家開懷大笑,賺取人類有史以來做大的錢。

然後呢?婚姻減少、生育減少。生產力不能被AI取代,而消費力愈來愈弱,連地產樓房的信貸都成問題了。

資本家可以改造工匠和小農,將他們變成受薪工人,可以驅趕主婦出來工作,可以從亞非拉和中東國家引入新移民來本國工作,但最終的問題,現在攤平在這裡:不婚不育,社會組織潰敗。

用智能手機?數碼監控社會?AI生產流程?Aliens(外星人)?管用嗎?

其他的,在其他地方講。


後記:

香港的單一收入家庭(one-income family)難以存在,因為無祖傳的根基,日本韓國可以。其實是毋須強調男女平等的,在古代直至中世紀,女人(主婦)依然是財政主力,在歐洲的貴族女人掌握文墨多於男人(要做武士),沒有刻意吹捧男女平等的時候,各自發揮個人適應力而達到家庭的最適分工合作(optimal mutual help)狀態。

政府用立法來提倡男女平等,其實是要削弱家庭令工人失去家庭親族支援的鬥爭力

精細而言,因為女性的感情傾向和懷孕產子的情況令她們容易做感情聯繫、親族聯繫和鄰舍聯繫,故此政府立法提倡男女平等之後,女性毋須服從夫家的親族而依然附於女家,甚至拉扯丈夫也跟隨她的親族朋友網絡,故此男人被扔回母系社會的奴役狀態,但母系社會原是怎樣呢:男人四處留情,拋妻棄子而女人親族負擔供養家庭的。可惜,男女的平等是令女人變得更加equal,故此生活在現在母系的男人依然要繼續供養妻子。這就將男性工人的家庭支援和抵抗力削弱了。

香港是因為難民社會,不像日韓,無田產根基,地產剝削厲害,故此香港比起其他日韓社會更低生育率,達到全球最低。

政府締造的安全社會潔癖管理、潔癖市容,苛刻執行反煙、反垃圾的罰款,令男性源自演化而來的叛逆行為受到過分約束,很多人陷於抑鬱,如果女性在女權論、港女論、有樓有高潮論、高富帥論更為不寬容和不溫柔,那麼香港男人莫說是結婚,連結交女友,約炮交媾,甚至看AV打飛機的興趣也失去了。


Source: 陳雲

https://www.patreon.com/wanchin/posts/bu-hun-bu-yu-shi-160875805

https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/pfbid0386jqYC5RchRTzAvj8Cgdsk4ybAhMTdtadGDYL2WAKkX34zMhViL56ASQhQQTsKi9l

Wednesday, June 10, 2026

香港飲食業為何走上絕路?是貴嗎?是需求少了?還是需求找不到供應者?

 

圖、我以前選舉和社運的時候,經常在此做飯局的偏僻飯店。

修道人,談AI,順便講下飲食。很多人在談AI如何衝擊商業和就業,其實很多香港人連網絡和社交媒體的衝擊也未曾知曉,甚至不願意去探索。以香港飲食業頻密執笠為例,你以為是太貴嗎?以為是服務差嗎?當然是!但為何飲食業本來是在地的業務,也要紛紛執笠呢?其中一個原因是:不需要在食肆見面來談業務或交誼。如果一個人食,不如買回家或買回公司食。

社媒的出現(fb groups、Whatsapp groups、live chats之類),令頻密的交談可以回溯,足夠建立基本的人際理解,毋須花費時間和金錢見面在飯桌去談

網絡服務和AI剛剛出現之後,工作崗位的臨時化、公司或機構業務的不穩定,令員工無需要頻密參加飯局或飲宴,因為攀交情沒用,明日可能自己被裁員,去做步兵跑外賣,也可能是公司倒閉,上司與自己同一命運。親友酒樓定期聚會更加無謂,沒東西可以交流令自己覺得有用。

沒有需求了,需求減低了,香港的食肆再便宜,食物品質再好,服務再必恭必敬也沒用。至於採用QR code點餐、機械人送餐來減低成本,更是加速餐飲業凋零甚至滅亡!伙計在微笑打招呼和聊天幾句之後落單,給予的就是人際交往的寬裕感(nuance)。一台食客來了個健談又知道分寸的伙計,那枱食客就有好的氣氛在餐桌交談。飲食業賣的是什麼value呢?除了安全和美味的食物之外,餐廳的value是給予用餐的愉悅感、安全感。環境和服務要伴隨食飯帶給身體的愉悅感和安全感,如果餐廳食肆令人緊張不安,令人覺得催趕而反感、反胃,那麼為何要在餐廳食飯呢?客人愉悅的時候,伙計也感到愉悅,both get more than they pay/receive for the bill。這就是value。是市場學的101.

再其次,政黨禁止和言論禁制,令政黨發起的飯局消失,成千上萬的人遊行集會之後在附近食肆開餐談話的機會消失,在食肆公開談話更有顧忌,那麼就不如在其他地方談了。

及早離場!只有走遲,沒有走錯。這是令你想起就心寒的情況,故此香港人好少公共談論這些問題,更不會自己去思考。我只是提一下網絡與社媒,大家可能已經嚇怕了,是吧?且不談AI的衝擊了。

I am more modern than you can think of.  You don't even dare to think about it.

其他的,在其他地方講。[1]

(按:今晚的公開帖文改寫,粗體字是會員區專享

Source: 陳雲

https://www.patreon.com/wanchin/posts/xiang-gang-yin-160712648

Monday, June 08, 2026

A brief history of anonymously scattered leaflets

History, it is said, does not repeat itself, but sometimes it rhymes. This may explain the sense of déjà vu that crept over me when I read about the case of Mr Raymond Wong – a 55-year-old construction worker, not the former newsman of the same name – who appeared at the West Kowloon Magistrates Court a couple of weeks ago.

File photo: Canva.

The charge against Mr Wong was that he had on two occasions thrown home-produced leaflets, or in legal language “paper sheets written with statements,” from the vicinity of his 12th-floor public housing flat into the public area of the estate.

The first time, many of them were picked up by an irate district councillor, on the second by a staff member of the estate’s management. Quite how this led to Mr Wong was not explained in court but police eventually discovered his fingerprints on two of the offending items.

Mr Wong was then charged with violating the local national security law, on the grounds that the words on the leaflets were seditious. The first batch called for action against corrupt police people, which I suppose is automatically seditious because it implies that there are corrupt police people, which – of course – is not true.

The second batch of leaflets included the phrase “liberate Hong Kong; do not vote.” Curiously Mr Wong was not charged with discouraging voters, though that is an offence. Worse, we may suppose, was the fatal phrase “liberate Hong Kong,” when – as we all know – the law presumes that Hong Kong is already as liberated as it wishes to be.

Mr Wong sensibly pleaded guilty and will be sentenced later next week.

West Kowloon Law Courts Building. File Photo: GovHK.

Meanwhile, I was haunted by the thought that scattering subversive leaflets into public places had come up somewhere before. And after some searching I found it in Geert Mak’s book, “In Europe.” Mr Mak was assigned by the Dutch newspaper he worked for to spend a year touring Europe while also touring the continent’s 20th century history. The resulting pieces were published as they were written in the newspaper, and assembled into the book, which is excellent though now a bit dated, afterwards.

So, in due course, Mr Mak reached Munich, a city with a complete set of capital city kit because it used to be the home of the Kings of Bavaria. One of them lent his name to the local university, the Ludwig-Maximilian Universität. Apparently this is a rather bombastic piece of architecture.

Let me now hand the microphone to Mr Mak:

“Here at the university is where it all converges: the pompous stairways, the pseudo-Roman statues beside them (in reality, two Bavarian kings in costume), the stupendous dome covering the hall, but also the wispy innocent desperate little pamphlets that the students Hans and Sophie Scholl let flutter down from the galleries here on 18 February 1943 ‘In the name of Germany’s young people we demand restitution by Adolf Hitler’s state of our personal freedom …’. They had spread tracts and left behind graffiti on earlier occasions as well: ‘Freedom’, ‘Down with Hitler.’ That was all the White Rose did. This time, though, they were caught by the caretaker and turned over to the Gestapo. Four days later they were beheaded.”

Now, nothing like that could happen here. We do not conclude national security cases in four days. We take four years, which may or may not be an improvement but is certainly different. We do not do capital punishment.

We do not have to worry about our personal freedom, at least as long as we refrain from daring stuff like appearing in the vicinity of Victoria Park with a piece of red string or an inflated question mark.

Still, it should not be a matter of rejoicing that we have joined the club of countries where the channels of public communication have been so choked by fear and restrictions that citizens who wish to express their views are reduced to scattering anonymous leaflets.

Our government seems to have inherited the thin skin of our notoriously sensitive police force. Now even legislators – carefully vetted patriots to a man or woman – are complaining that any comment on government policy which falls short of a rousing endorsement is branded as dishonesty or worse by official spokespersons.

LegCo president Starry Lee at the 8th Legislative Council’s first meeting on January 14, 2025. Photo: Kyle Lam/HKFP.

No doubt government policies are usually well chosen and efficiently implemented. Still, our leaders should perhaps take a word of advice from Oliver Cromwell, who famously wrote to one set of obstinate opponents: “I beseech you, in the bowels of Christ, think it possible you may be mistaken.”

Source: Tim Hamlett

https://hongkongfp.com/2026/06/07/a-brief-history-of-anonymously-scattered-leaflets/

Saturday, June 06, 2026

那些我在英國遇到的香港人|那個終於不再憎恨香港的人

 


他,從前是一個對香港沒有太大感覺的男生。

他形容自己以前是很典型的香港學生——返學、補習、考試、升班、準備公開試、準備入大學。家中與學校對他的管教都很嚴格,他也沒有特別反叛,只是一直順着主流軌道前進。

「其實我以前冇乜理香港發生咩事。我唔係完全唔知,考試會識答標準答案,但係個人係抽離嘅。總之讀好書,考好試,唔好搞咁多嘢。」

那時候,他最喜歡的東西是日本動漫。

他特別喜歡《One Piece》(《海賊王》)。

「我由細睇到大,好鍾意入面講『自由』、『夢想』嗰啲。」

然後,有一天,社會運動爆發了。有一天,社會突然高調地討論「香港的真相」。

那一天,歷史老師走進課室,很少有地關上門及窗簾。老師神情凝重,要跟學生談起香港時局,又提到六四事件,提到歷史如何被改寫,提到有些東西如果現在不記錄,將來便可能再沒有人知道。老師哭了,同學們全都呆了。

「我仲記得,成班人突然好靜。因為平時老師唔會咁樣講嘢。」

「《One Piece》入面有個設定叫『空白的一百年』,即係有一段歷史被世界政府抹走咗,冇人知道真相。嗰一刻,我突然將動漫中的『空白的一百年』,與現實世界連結起來。」

「我返到屋企之後,成個星期不停睇新聞、睇歷史、睇評論、睇YouTube、睇論壇。我第一次有種感覺——原來我以前對自己住緊嘅地方係完全唔認識。」

他形容,那是一種「覺醒」。

也是他第一次真正愛上香港。

「以前香港對我嚟講只係生活背景。但係嗰一刻開始,我第一次覺得,原來呢個地方係值得人去保護,值得人去改變。」

後來,他投入了社會運動。

他開始關心社區,關心政治,關心不同階層的人。他喜歡那種突然之間整個社會充滿生命力的感覺。

「嗰幾年最震撼我嘅,其實唔係抗爭本身,而係我第一次覺得香港人之間好近。好多陌生人突然之間好似變成同伴。你會覺得,原來大家好有愛,真係想個地方變好。」

他很懷念那種感覺。

「有少少似突然之間,大家相信緊同一個夢。」

可是,後來社會慢慢變了。

有些同學沒有太大感覺,繼續上學、打機、談戀愛、計劃前途。但他開始變得很痛苦。

「因為你睇過世界嘅另一個可能性,你就返唔到轉頭。」

那種痛苦,後來慢慢變成憤怒

他開始憎恨很多東西。

憎恨社會;憎恨荒謬;憎恨犬儒;憎恨冷漠;憎恨很多很多事情。

「我嗰陣個人好燥底。成日同人鬧交,睇乜都唔順眼。」

後來,他帶着這種憤怒離開香港。

最初來到英國,他仍然很憤怒。

「我會諗,點解走嘅係我?點解我要離開自己屋企?明明有問題嘅唔係我。」

因為太憤怒,他甚至一度切斷自己與香港的所有連結。

不看新聞,不聯絡朋友,與家人也只是有限度聯絡。

「因為我嗰陣好憎自己。我覺得BN(O) Visa係人血饅頭。好多人犧牲咗前途,甚至犧牲咗人生,我最後竟然走咗,仲拎住個Visa喺英國生活。我嗰陣覺得自己好差,好睇唔起自己。

那段時間,他很孤獨。

可是慢慢地,香港變得越來越安靜。

加上時差,他對那些不合理的事情感受開始少了。

「有一刻我突然發現,其實我已經唔喺嗰個地方生活。我繼續每日咁樣憤怒,好似都改變唔到啲乜。」

於是,他開始慢慢專注新生活。

學英文、打工、學新技能。

他從來沒有想過,自己竟然會開始接觸藝術。

「最初純粹想搵啲嘢做,打發時間。我開始學陶瓷、畫畫,做吓做吓,老師點化,我先發現原來啲作品全部都係自己嘅情緒。」

那些作品越做越多。

後來,他把部份作品放到社區中心、市集展出,與人分享。

有人問他作品背後的故事,他開始慢慢講起香港。

講起失落;講起離散;講起社區;講起那些已經消失的東西。

「我後尾先發現,原來創作係一個治療過程。」

而這種分享,也令他重新與香港建立連結。

「以前我覺得自己同香港已經斷開咗。但係原來唔係。我只係唔知點樣面對佢。」

又後來,他開始接觸很多不同背景的人。

香港人、猶太人、東歐人、難民。

大家交換自己的故事。

「有啲人真係經歷過戰爭、極權、流亡。你聽完之後,會發現原來世界好大,而自由其實好珍貴。」

他開始大量閱讀:看很多在香港已經不能再閱讀的書;看很多不能再上映的電影。

那些東西令他感到治癒。

「最治癒嘅,其實係你可以自由咁討論。你可以講,你可以聽,你可以回應,你可以鬧可以批判,你唔需要驚。」

慢慢地,他開始明白一件事:

「原來我唔係憎香港。」

他停了一停。

「我係太愛香港。」

我愛嗰個曾經充滿希望嘅社區。我愛嗰種大家一齊相信緊啲乜嘢嘅感覺。我以為個世界會一路向住理想方向行,但結果唔係。嗰種失望太大,所以先會變成憤怒。

而那種憤怒,最後走向了自己。

「因為個社會已經冇地方安放你嘅愛。」

來到英國後,他慢慢找到新的地方安放那些情緒。

陶瓷、畫畫、結他、羽毛球。

甚至後來,結他與羽毛球也變成了他的其中一種謀生技能。

他說,現在回望自己對香港的感情,已經不同了。

「以前好似瘋狂追求緊一個人。好想改變佢,好想拯救佢,好想同佢一齊走向理想世界。但係而家唔同咗。」

「而家比較似暗戀。」

他笑了一笑。

「你仍然好鍾意佢,但你唔會再瘋狂拉住佢。你會遠遠咁望住佢,希望佢平安。當然都會肉痛佢識埋啲壞男人啦。」

而那個他一直懷念的烏托邦社區,他也開始在英國慢慢實踐。

在社區中心教班、參與市集、分享創作、與不同背景的人交流。

「我後尾明白,自由唔係抽象概念。自由係你終於有空間,慢慢消化自己。」

現在,他想修讀社會學、國際政治與哲學。

「以前我係憑情緒去愛自由。而家我想認真理解,自由到底係乜。」

要認識自由,認識世界歷史,在自由的國度必定更為理想。過去數年,那些個人及集體情緒,謝謝你分享了其中一個可行的出口。願各位香港人安好,可以找到地方安放那些情緒。

#情緒 #憤怒 #香港人 #英國 #海賊王 #空白的一百年


Source: 追光者

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1DeS9wFHKW/

香港曾經是中國大陸的唯一文化窗口:再談《絲綢之路》

日前寫過鍾景輝的紀念文章,搜尋《絲綢之路》(一九八三年播出)片集的網上片段,赫然發現以前香港人的大膽,去到「乜都夠膽死」的地步:用西貢清水灣的安達臣道石礦場來充當戈壁沙漠!見附上的羅文演唱片段及鍾景輝旁白片段真身上場的後部分,其中一段片源見腳註

以前只是知道,在中共鎖國的年代,要看中國就只能來香港(台灣未開放旅遊),或看香港的電影香港的洪拳在武打片充當中國武藝的代表西貢十四鄉的山頭是武林聖地,不論是少林、武當,還是天山、崑崙,都是十四鄉的山頭。去到電視時代,《射雕英雄傳》的蒙古草原,就在大嶼山的大東山的草地搭建蒙古包。由於TVB購買了日本日本放送協會(NHK)的《絲綢之路》的同步播映權,雖然當時中國大陸已經改革開放,但時間和花費不能令TVB拉大隊去戈壁灘拍攝旁白或主題曲的背景,故此監製心生一計,反正是亂石崩雲的景色,香港大把,但要附近沒有樓房或村落背景,又無青山綠水,那麼就只有安達臣道的大石礦場,用鏡頭避開海景就得了。這就是上一代的香港精神Can-do spiritCan-do-ism,白話中文是勉力為之事在人為,廣東話是「同我死掂佢」(客戶或老闆吩咐做)或「死都做畀你」(打工仔答應做)。

當年羅文演唱的《同途萬里人 》,作曲是日本的喜多郎,填詞是香港的黃霑。歌詞見到我上次說的香港保存的深刻的華夏文化之外,是歌詞與曲調合音,絕無「唔啱音」的基督教會的粵語詩歌的弊病。一九七〇年代中後期,電視劇原創歌曲流行,為了使到歌曲可以「唱通街」,市民琅琅上口,唱片好賣,一眾填詞人將粵曲「依字行腔」(指演唱時依據歌詞漢語字音的聲調、韻母與語義來安排唱腔)的傳統引入粵語流行曲,形成嚴謹的協音規範。到了一九八〇年代——也就是《同途萬里人》(一九八三)的製作年代,詞人將協音技術推向極致,不僅句尾要協音,每一個音節的高低升降都要與旋律契合,甚至連「半協音」(或稱近似音)都被視為瑕疵。類似張孝武在一九七七年的《頂硬上》,就因為歌詞有一個頂字是拗音的(歌曲的1:21 分鐘的一句。鬼叫你窮 - 張武孝 ( 大 AL ) 2008年3月13日 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cqcJsw6b7T8),故此電台播出的時候總是取笑一番。《同途萬里人》的歌詞如下,當中第二句,就是為了協音而將「浩瀚」改為「瀚浩」(舊詩詞容許的詞句倒裝):

天蒼蒼 山隱隱 茫茫途路 沙灰灰 雪素素

白白野草 深深思 細細看 共覓盛唐瀚浩

戈壁灘 沙丘間 聽聽漢風 過關中 野照裡

認認宋土 找心根 我與你 共覓面前大道

互伴上前路 同攜尋正道 願共你同去踏開新絲路

叫同行萬里人 邁步莫怕惡風高 我相信 同行萬里途

合力自會行對路

憑著龍傳下的勇 顯實力 覓我遙遠中國路

天蒼蒼 山隱隱 茫茫途路 沙灰灰 雪素素

白白野草 深深思 細細看 工段覓盛唐瀚浩

戈壁灘 沙丘間 聽聽漢風 過關中 野照裡

認認宋土 找心根 我與你 共覓面前大道

叫同行萬里人 邁步莫怕惡風高

以無限堅忍 用全力自創長遠大道

憑著 龍遺留下的愛 開闢萬歲千秋中國路

結尾的一句,「開闢萬歲千秋中國路」,接續上闋歌詞結尾的「覓我遙遠中國路」,是從文化中國到實力中國,正是香港文化界對於改革開放中的中國寄予的無限憧憬……


背景資料:

安達臣道石礦場(英語:Anderson Road Quarry)是香港一座主要的石礦場,位於新界西貢區大上托之西南山脊,面積達86公頃,以其鄰近道路安達臣道命名。安達臣道石礦場於1956年起投產,原訂至2013年12月停止運作。及後,由於石礦場須處理鄰近安達臣道發展計劃產生的岩石,因而延遲4年關閉。安達臣道石礦場後來改造為住宅區,並保留若干礦湖做風景。


Source: 陳雲

https://www.patreon.com/posts/xiang-gang-ceng-160311282

Thursday, June 04, 2026

也許是我的小華夏與海洋華夏的根苗:鍾景輝旁白的《絲綢之路》與《尋找他鄉的故事》

 

圖、鍾景輝先生中年照

香港戲劇名宿鍾景輝先生昨日仙遊,我感觸尤深。他演的角色太多,很多都是配角,故此記不得,但他擔任旁白的兩套電視片,卻記憶猶新:一九八三年TVB的《絲綢之路》和一九九八至二〇〇四年亞洲電視的《尋找他鄉的故事》。前者是日本放送協會與中國大陸人員製作,香港後期製作本地版本及本地巨星羅文演唱喜多郎的主題曲《同途萬里人》,堪稱中日台三方的合作。這套片集,是深刻的華夏文化回顧。《尋找他鄉的故事》則是海外華夏文化落地生根的探索。

香港的上一代精神,是深刻的華夏文化,深度西化之後的華夏文化回歸,鍾景輝的經歷就是,在耶魯大學讀戲劇碩士,之後將演出技巧及舞台藝術帶入香港劇壇和電視台,更包括訓練新一代的電視演員(TVB藝員訓練班)。香港另一種精神,就是隨遇而安的海洋華夏精神。時值香港社運的年代,我的香港城邦論和海洋華夏論,就是這兩種精神的結合。鍾景輝先生之逝世,不期然令我想到,我也許受到他的藝術感染,少年及青年時代關心社會的香港人,也無法逃避這種感染。

以前在德國做民運的時候,遇到北方省籍的同道,他們都好驚訝有廣東籍的香港人做德國這邊的民運領袖。荷蘭華人工會領袖、上海人張英在會議之後告訴我:以前萬潤南他們在巴黎開民運會的時候,有華僑領袖來會面,在飯席私底下問他們:「你們裏面有否客家人?」萬說:「沒有。」「那麼你們裏面有沒有廣東人呢?」萬回答:「也沒有。」那僑領心下一沉,沒說什麼,捐點款就離開了。

張英不忘補充一句:「要是我兩年前就認識你,帶你一道去巴黎,客家話一講,準可以得到僑領們的大錢,我們就不必這麼窮!」

後來讀到《民主中國》雜誌的編輯孔捷生的文章,他說:「廣東人忽然不講撈錢,講愛國的時候,是北方人最害怕的時候,因為廣東人總認為北方人不夠華夏文化來做領導,不如由我們來做。

以前英國殖民者在的時候,國共兩邊都在香港推廣華夏文化,甚至美國新聞處的巨額捐助,也在支援華夏文化,共產黨用華夏文化來反殖民,國民黨和美國用華夏文化來反共,故此香港在戰後二十年內建立的華夏文化,特別綜合而深刻。英國佬走了之後,華夏文化在香港不是自生自滅,就是只有中共那一套了。

末後,附上一段鍾景輝的旁白,說明話劇大師用聲線建立自己的藝術signature的方法,也並列今年一百歲誕辰的Sir David Attenborough的旁白分析,使各位讀者知道,藝人的成功並非僥倖,而是深有技藝!


附錄:新聞摘要及評論連結

香港戲劇大師、人稱「King Sir」的鍾景輝逝世,享年 89 歲。鍾景輝的姪兒今日透過 TVB 公布他的死訊,指鍾景輝今早在家中睡夢中安詳離世,形容鍾景輝一生奉獻戲劇、桃李滿門,深知外界對他的敬重與愛戴,他的喪禮及追思安排稍後再公布。

鍾景輝出生於泰國華僑家庭,幼年曾居於香港、上海,10 歲重返香港生活,先後就讀培正中學、中文大學英文系,大學後到美國耶魯大學修讀戲劇學院藝術碩士,為該學院首名來自亞洲的碩士。鍾景輝之後回港,協助浸大創立香港首個戲劇學士課程,及後加入 TVB,任職期間向高層提議開辦藝員訓練班,並擔任頭四期訓練班導師,之後跳槽亞視前身的麗的電視。

到 80 年代,鍾景輝離開電視台,致力推動本地戲劇發展,1983 年應邀受聘為香港演藝學院戲劇學院系主任,後來出任創院院長,1984 年創辦香港戲劇協會,並擔任首任會長,在香港舞台劇界開創以粵語演出荒誕劇及百老匯歌舞劇的先河,曾四度奪得香港舞台劇獎最佳導演,八次贏得最佳男主角獎。

而近代觀眾對鍾景輝的認識,主要來自他在電視和電影的幕前演出,包括為亞視紀錄片節目《尋找他鄉的故事》配音成為一代經典,他在電影《賭神3之少年賭神》的演技亦令人印象深刻,而鍾景輝 2001 年退休後重返 TVB,亦參演過《甜孫爺爺》、《高朋滿座》等劇集演出,近年舞台劇主演作品,則包括《相約星期二》、《李查三世》等。

經典旁白與主持:1983年,無綫電視(TVB)重金購入日本放送協會(NHK)製作的巨型歷史紀錄片《絲綢之路》並在香港播出。鍾景輝獲邀擔任節目的主持及旁白,憑藉其厚實、磁性且充滿感染力的聲線,將絲路的歷史滄桑與文化底蘊演繹得絲絲入扣,深受觀眾讚賞,亦從此奠定了他大師級旁白的地位。節目內容:該節目由NHK與中國中央電視台(CCTV)合作拍攝,紀錄了從中國長安出發、貫穿中亞直達地中海及羅馬的古代商道。鍾景輝在節目中負責導賞與對話介紹,帶領香港觀眾穿越時空,了解西域文化與中西交通的歷史。配音代表作:除了《絲綢之路》,King Sir 獨特的聲線也為另一套經典紀實節目亞洲電視的《尋找他鄉的故事》(一九八八至二〇〇四)擔任旁白。他那句「響薩拉熱窩...」等開場白節奏獨特,成為家傳戶曉的聲音標記。


盧偉力:鍾景輝與香港戲劇的西潮 (文章摘錄) ​​​​​​    

https://www.facebook.com/hklitcrit/posts/pfbid0rnK278AtXYaz1j4EFBHcZKebycWzabPiWzRRQnRsjizDDQDypC7kAef5gksh5aBFl

鄧正健:鍾景輝去世,我想記下三件事。https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=26526310080375671&set=a.462072203892815


Source: 陳雲

https://www.patreon.com/posts/ye-xu-shi-wo-de-160118441

Thursday, May 21, 2026

一九八九年,我忽然成了教授:也談「敦聘」一詞

 

圖一、佛教能仁書院的鑄鐵門(今已拆除改建),二〇一二年筆者拍攝

一九八九年九月,我上課的時候,一位乖巧的男同學忽然稱呼我為教授,我說:「你叫我先生就可以,一般要有學問,成一家之言才是教授啊。」他笑說:「教務長說可以稱呼你做教授啊。」「這沒所謂啦。」

說這位同學乖巧,是他生得英俊,懂得人情世故,也穿着端莊,恤衫袋口有一枝金筆,是典型一九八〇年代的僱員打扮。他為了請我食飯,知道我不想他破費,便說懂得去油麻地榕樹頭後面的九龍政府合署的飯堂,我問他是否限於公務員用餐。他說不是,大學飯堂也不限於學生用餐的,否則飯堂難以經營,而且大學飯堂收校外人的價貴兩三元,這政府飯堂是優待街坊的,劃一收費,當年的公務員也根本沒有職員證、入門卡之類的東西。如是者他約了我和其他有空的同學,在傍晚上課之後搭地鐵從深水埗到油麻地,此刻政府飯堂的晚飯第一輪已過,我們剛好補上,叫了椒鹽鮮魷、咕嚕肉、青椒牛肉、蝦醬通菜之類的小菜,白飯加例湯,幾個人食了個飽。

我做了教授,是在續約的時候見了校監寶燈法師,他說在國民黨辦的《香港時報》不時讀到我的學術文章,也聽了旺角那邊的珠海書院的教授的品鑑,認為可以幫我在國府的教育部給我評個教授。原本珠海書院那邊也可以辦,但能仁學院這邊空額較多,故此他給我辦了。我連聲多謝,寒暄一下,接過聘書,在校方一聯上簽署,就上了課室。

一九八〇年代是香港空前的繁榮期,經濟膨脹而移民興起,香港的工作多得很,夠膽就做到。我女友大學剛畢業就靠修女推薦,做了私立英文書院的校長。在如今,又要有教學文憑、教學資歷和讀過校長課程,寫信應徵,經過校董會遴選才可以做中學校長。

當年學院的聘書,仍用「敦聘」一詞。敦聘是誠懇聘請之意,是民國時期學院優禮文人之詞。王朝時代朝廷招賢人用禮聘,動輒賜予金銀田地姬妾之類,如《南史·隱逸傳下·陶弘景》記帝王招陶弘景為官,手書詔令,賜予鹿皮巾:「帝手敕招之,錫以鹿皮巾,後屢加禮聘,并不出。」民國之後當然不能,教育家、文學家葉聖陶的短篇小說《皮包》,如此用敦聘一詞:「一封電報,寫著:『敦聘臺端為訓育主任,薪津五百,米五斗,電覆。』」

圖二、一九八九年九月的能仁書院聘書

為何要寫敦聘呢?原來民國時候的學校一般不用廣告請教師的,都是校長四處物色人選,或由同事、朋友、師長之類推薦而聘請。即使是一般商行請人,也用「誠徵」之類的詞,生怕得罪了賢才。以前我在香港中文大學讀書的時候,聽說過新亞書院的錢穆先生在書院合併為中文大學的時候,要他申請做教授,令他頗為不悅。他認為教授都是敦聘的,豈有寫信去應徵的?也許因此緣故,我在新亞書院受聘的時候,都是用敦聘一詞。在此錄下我當年因為宿舍主任在暑假休息,聘請我為代理宿舍主任的聘書。

當時宿舍主任在暑假要安排宿舍臨時出租給外界度假或拜訪,頗多電話聯絡,文書往來要主任簽署作實(我當年只是二十來歲!),晚上有住宿糾紛要排解,算是學院的要職,故此不能打字,而是由新亞書院的書記處用毛筆書就,院長用毛筆簽署,「台端」和我的小名也是頂行書寫,只此一份臨時聘書,就可見當年大學之文雅。

圖三、新亞書院聘書


Source: 陳雲

https://www.patreon.com/posts/yi-jiu-ba-jiu-wo-158849991

Monday, May 18, 2026

黎智英關到死,鄭麗文們賣和平:香港就是台灣的預告片

 


北京最厲害的統戰,從來不是飛彈,也不是軍演,而是讓一些台灣人相信:「只要躺平,就能和平。」

於是,鄭麗文們天天苦口婆心,勸台灣人別刺激中國、別抗中、別挑釁,彷彿只要降低音量,隔壁那個拿刀的人就會突然改行做慈善。結果呢?川習會一句話,把整場「和平論」打回原形。

川普在空軍一號上透露,他當面向習近平提到黎智英,希望中方能基於人道理由放人。理由很簡單:黎智英老了、病了,關了這麼久,夠了吧。但習近平怎麼回?「他對我而言很棘手。」短短一句,冷到骨頭裡。

什麼叫「棘手」?翻譯成白話文就是:不能放。因為一放,威權就示弱;一放,香港人會知道原來反抗不是死路;一放,全世界都看見中國共產黨其實怕一個老人。於是,黎智英七十多歲了,還得繼續坐牢。不是因為他殺人放火,不是因為他貪污腐敗,而是因為他辦報紙、講民主、批評政權。

這就是中國口中的「穩定」。也是鄭麗文們口中的「和平」。

最黑色幽默的是,台灣某些人至今還把「香港已經恢復穩定」掛嘴邊。是啊,墳場也很穩定,太平間也沒抗議聲音。問題是,沒有自由的安靜,到底算和平,還是窒息?

黎智英不是什麼革命領袖,也不是地下武裝。他是一個資本家、一個媒體老闆、一個曾經相信「一國兩制」的人。甚至可以說,他原本比很多香港人更願意相信北京。

但最後呢?《蘋果日報》被抄家,資產被凍結,報社像犯罪集團一樣遭到瓦解。記者被抓,言論被消滅,老闆被關押。這不是「誤會」,這是制度本身。

今天最值得台灣人警惕的,不是中國喊武統,而是中國一邊喊和平、一邊把黎智英關到死。因為武統至少還誠實,直接告訴你「我要打你」;最可怕的是披著和平外衣的統一論,嘴巴說交流,骨子裡要的是服從。

鄭麗文們最愛說:「不要抗中,兩岸就能和平。」問題是,黎智英有抗中嗎?他有組軍隊嗎?有拿槍嗎?沒有。他只是辦媒體、上街表達意見。結果照樣被當國安犯。所以真正讓北京不能容忍的,從來不是台獨、港獨,而是自由。

因為自由會讓人民開始思考:為什麼台灣可以選總統,香港不行?為什麼台灣媒體可以罵執政者,北京不行?為什麼台灣人可以上街,香港人卻得進監獄?這才是中共真正害怕的病毒。

也因此,黎智英其實不是香港問題,而是台灣問題。

他是活生生的示範教材:當你相信「先別反抗,先求和平」,最後得到的,很可能不是和平,而是連說話的權利都沒有。

川普這次的話,其實已經很重了。連美國總統親自開口求情,習近平都不願鬆手,代表什麼?代表黎智英不是司法案件,而是政治標本。北京就是要讓全世界看:誰挑戰中共,下場就是關到老、關到死。

這時候還有人在台灣販賣「異國一致」、「兩岸一家親」、「統一後也能保有生活方式」,真的像在火葬場推銷防曬乳。香港已經演過一次給你看了。

當年北京也是這樣說的:「五十年不變」、「馬照跑、舞照跳」。結果不到二十五年,連《願榮光歸香港》都變禁歌,連小學生都要學愛國教育,連法官都得先愛國。

現在,黎智英還在牢裡。這個白髮蒼蒼的老人,其實是照妖鏡。他照出的,不只是中共的威權,更照出台灣某些政客的天真,甚至虛偽。因為真正的和平,不是向強權下跪;真正的和平,是你有拒絕下跪的能力。而黎智英最大的悲劇,就是他曾經相信,北京至少還會保留一點承諾。

可見中共最穩定推動統一的制度,不是「一國兩制」、「一國一制」, 而是「說話不算話制」。

Source: 王家俊

https://www.threads.com/@jiajun1974/post/DYdgns2mDlr?xmt=AQG0ncbXihp9VFwRDuFeqUU-5PH8x0pxTn-m6wJPL-rlHV1uJsJ_Nus7F-6740_DJP-IcM8Q&slof=1

除了黎智英,香港很穩定

除了黎智英,香港很穩定!

台灣到現在還有人天天吹捧「香港已經恢復穩定」。

對,這世界上最穩定的地方除了墳場,大概就是太平間。沒有抗議、集體沉默、滿意度100%。這種連呼吸都要看臉色的「安靜」,某些人管它叫和平,我怎麼看都像集體窒息。

看看「和平模範生」黎智英,沒拿槍、沒搞武裝革命,甚至曾深信一國兩制,結果換來報社被抄、資產凍結、終身監禁。這叫制度的鐵拳,從不認錯。

中共怕的從不是什麼獨,而是名為「自由」的傳染病。因為自由會讓韭菜開始納悶:為什麼台灣可以選總統、天天罵執政黨都沒事,而我們連轉發個蠟燭、上街散步都不行?

當你選擇先跪下求和平,最後得到的通常不是和平,而是連說「我想要和平」的權利都被物理剝奪。那些幻想不抗中就能和平的人,太平間的安靜,真的很適合你們。

Source: 楊士廉

https://www.threads.com/@chilionyang/post/DYeifUbkkMR?xmt=AQG0NUDW54v1KWIu4Uo0wYHtWAmUsxsgy5Bsx4lqM_GsQEwFu3-YshE1WFETA23cG04Pj-k&slof=1

Saturday, May 16, 2026

A middle way for Legislative Council: Finding balance in legislature’s ‘own role’

“Hong Kong needs a middle way for LegCo – somewhere between the dysfunction seen from the 2014 Umbrella Movement through the 2019 protests and a rubber stamp,” writes John Burns.


What role the Legislative Council (LegCo) should play in our executive-led system continues to spark controversy.  Lawmakers themselves are discussing the issue, which is a healthy sign. 

The eighth Legislative Council’s first meeting on January 14, 2025. Photo: Kyle Lam/HKFP.

Central authorities have also spoken indirectly on LegCo’s role.

On January 26, the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office head Xia Baolong pointed out that executive-led government in Hong Kong means that each branch – executive, legislative, and judicial – performs its “own role and cooperates and coordinates with each other.”

According to Article 64 of the Basic Law, LegCo’s role includes holding the government to account. This means asking questions, asking for justification of government action, investigating government actions and inactions, and, when necessary, sanctioning government officials for policy failures.

According to the Powers and Privileges Ordinance (Cap 382), enacted in 1985, with the select and investigation committee system, as well as the system of policy panels, LegCo has the capacity to fulfil its “own role.”

It is precisely how to understand LegCo’s “own role” that has sparked controversy.

First, may LegCo use the tools it has to hold the government to account? The central authorities have condemned the way the opposition in LegCo used these tools after 2010. They call it abuse, citing filibustering and other tactics that delayed legislation.

The record is clear: the fourth- and fifth-term Legislative Councils passed far fewer bills than either before or after. The sixth-term LegCo was heading in the same direction until the government disqualified some opposition lawmakers, and most of the rest resigned.  

Moreover, both the central and the city’s authorities accuse the opposition of abusing LegCo’s powers to investigate, and to summon and inquire – precisely those powers legislators still have and need to hold the government to account.

The Legislative Council. Photo: Peter Lee/HKFP.

In this view, the abuse dates from after 2010 when the opposition and representatives of the central government negotiated a deal over political reform in Hong Kong. It has been downhill ever since, according to Beijing. 

From 1985 to 2010, LegCo convened six select or investigation committees, which focused on issues of public concern: the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) operations and staff loyalty, the chaotic Chek Lap Kok airport opening, short piling in public housing, SARS, misselling Lehman-Brothers minibonds, and conflicts of interest in the post-retirement employment of civil servants.

The result: the government changed course and made improvements in public policy.

For example, authorities introduced the Principal Officials Accountability System (POAS) in 2002, which is still with us today. LegCo’s work and the results of an expert committee investigation on the SARS outbreak in 2003-04 better prepared us for the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020. These positive results are undeniable. 

Even in the post-2010 period, pressure from LegCo to investigate sometimes had positive results. In 2015, for example, responding to public concern expressed in the legislature, the government established a commission of inquiry into lead in drinking water in some public housing estates. Again, the government changed course. 

Second, authorities tell us that executive-led government means that LegCo and the executive should “cooperate” and “coordinate.” Does this mean that legislators may not criticise government policy? Reporting indicates that many LegCo members perceive this to be the case. 

Remember Chief Executive John Lee’s harsh rebuke of LegCo member Paul Tse’s criticism of government policy in the first “patriots-only” seventh-term LegCo? The chief executive deemed such criticism “dangerous,” similar to the “soft resistance” of the much-criticised opposition and must be “stamped out.”

The few government critics in the seventh-term LegCo all left the body in 2025. 

More recently, consider the Hospital Authority’s (HA) rebuke after LegCo members Gary Chan, Rebecca Chan, and David Lam expressed concerns that residents might not have collected their HA-provided medication because of increased charges. (A sidenote: Rebecca Chan served as a political assistant in the Food and Health Bureau from 2012 to 2017.)

The legislators drew attention to the very figure disclosed by the Health Bureau: that 26,000 public hospital prescriptions were uncollected after the new fee regime was introduced in January. However, rather than listening and investigating, the HA said the remarks were “untruthful.”

The government apparently prefers to send legislators “warm reminders” on many issues of public concern, in effect telling them to shut up. Precisely because no lawmaker spoke up when LegCo deliberated the bus seatbelt issue in September 2025, the policy resulted in a fiasco.

The public needs a legislature that is engaged, open, and responsibly critical of government action – this is the minimum required to perform its “own role.”

Of course, LegCo should cooperate and coordinate with the government, but to do so should not compromise the legislature’s “own role.”

Hong Kong needs a middle way for LegCo – somewhere between the dysfunction seen from the 2014 Umbrella Movement through the 2019 protests and a rubber stamp.

We have experienced a middle way, for example, from 1985 to at least 2010.

At the time, as noted above, LegCo investigations played an important role in improving public policy. Hong Kong people value this kind of LegCo role. It benefits the government and the community, building trust and legitimacy.

Authorities should trust their own gatekeeping in selecting patriotic LegCo members. Many LegCo members seem to understand that they should play a more active role.

The government should realise that it cannot do everything alone. Effective governance is co-produced.

Authorities need to recognise the legitimacy of a middle way, a more authentic role for LegCo. We will all benefit.


Source: John Burns

https://hongkongfp.com/2026/05/16/a-middle-way-for-legislative-council-finding-balance-in-legislatures-own-role/