Wednesday, March 31, 2021

發夢有罪

太太一直勸我不要老是聽粤曲,但我極嗜林家聲的唱腔和劇目,我還會唱他版本的《胡不歸之慰妻》。自從電話的音樂訂購計劃沒有更新粵曲後,太太就介紹我聽林家謙。林家謙的《特倫斯夢遊仙境》確是上品。

近來有法庭消息說有人在通訊中與人說了發夢事,就失去自由了。

不知道你是不是和我一樣,在辦公室裏很早就知道在香港發夢本來就很危險。

在網上討論區有篇「潮文」叫《如果C朗出生在香港》(又有一版本曰《如果美斯出生在香港》,始見於2013年,不知孰先孰後),譏笑如果任何運動員在香港出世,會怎樣受到香港的「主流」想法打壓。

在好些年前,香港都是沒有論政參政的機會,但在街邊賣指甲鉗都可以養活一家。今日擺賣白蘭花都會被充公,五十元只能勉強吃飽的香港,能養活自己就已經是一個好夢。有些人不甘心,他們在香港成長、在香港受教育,看過繁華看過美好、看過相對公平、看過機會處處,他們做了一場要尋回那個香港的夢,於是成了階下囚。

或者你說我以偏概全、強辭奪理,扭曲了「發夢」所指。還沒慣嗎?這兒就是這麼不講道理的了。但不消多久,你兒女的夢,也要用漢語拼音來發;大家每日的生活就靜候著那些人的鼻息,只要你有「想法」做個反對派,你就注定是「動亂分子」。就算你的夢卑微得似「我夢想是我的兒女不要在危樓下讀書,地震時他們不會在上課期間被壓死」,也一樣要被再教育。也別夢想吃不到有毒奶粉,更危險。

本來夢就是為了填補人生的不足,所以日有所思夜有所夢。好夢能圓,人生美滿。只是用簡化字寫的「梦」也要逃到台灣去了,這兒還餘下甚麼東西給你做個好夢?

人家說「美國夢」,那是以前的事了。除非你是特定人種或有人脈資源,否則單靠白手興家,今日美國也不容易有上游機會了。而且我們生在香港、活在香港,除非是要去建設人家的國家,不然純為自己發個好夢,也是侵蝕了其他人的資源

林家聲有段名曲,叫《漢武帝夢會衛夫人》,本是唐滌生寫給薛覺先的作品,林家聲唱得哀慟情真,雖是一場夢幻,仍然教人心痛。在「太逼真的惡耗纏著」的世界,我想只有在夢裏,才可以放膽感到「如此自由」,平安地「再不想說然後」。


Source: 青永屍

https://www.facebook.com/729586907148929/posts/4115150245259228/

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wa6Saa7IymY

Wan Chin: 泛民港獨選了出來,小小的區議員,已經報警控告街上泊車和菲傭聚集,泛民港獨如果組成民主議會也會禁止街上小販賣白蘭花,除非是泛民港獨賣花籌款。我一向支持民主普選,但我認為香港民主運動所託非人,屢次被泛民港獨出賣而痴心如故,不知好歹。

Sunday, March 28, 2021

智叔的話

驚聞廖啟智因病離世,我亦想起2013年曾因港視失落免費電視牌照相約他作了一次訪問,刊於《明報》星期日生活副刊,再收錄於《文字欲》一書裡。訪問引起無線電視管理層關注,表示會檢討藝人福利。而這次訪問後,亦幸運地獲得智叔及其太太敏兒的回饋。


智叔言簡意賅地表示「訪問寫得很好」;而敏兒亦同意,文章把智叔的真性情表現了出來。雖然文章之中,智叔是個深沉內歛的人,但他每句說話,都是聆聽了我的問題,再深思之後才說出來的,用字謹慎,樸實無華。隨着自己年歲漸長,才愈來愈懂得欣賞智叔的厚實和智慧,特此把文章與讀者分享。


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死水翻不了波濤——專訪廖啟智 (2013年10月20日)


廖啟智記得TVB 對他的恩情,一九七九年藝員訓練班畢業後,不久就獲派電視劇《上海灘》重點角色,九十年代《歡樂滿東華》不乏他的亡命表演,最經典要數「穿高跟鞋踩鋼線」和「用喉嚨頂纓槍推郁小貨車」。九十年代中工作量更創紀錄,有一陣子,平均天天在公仔箱曝光半小時,連年「爆騷」讓他有條件養妻活兒。太太陳敏兒是訓練班青梅竹馬同學。智叔有今日,不能不歸功於TVB。


性格上,智叔為人低調,甚少在娛樂版投訴抱怨,更多是默默耕耘。大眾記得,早些年幼子文諾因血癌病逝,兩夫婦靠宗教力量互相扶持,好爸爸形象深入民心。在觀眾心裏,智叔就像他拍的外傭廣告一早已和我們「融入家中」 。


然而,今次訪問,第一次接觸真人,才發現智叔內斂深沉,有點dark。不笑的時候,他那淺灰色眼珠望着你,嘴巴半張,像個洞悉世情的智者,又像個哀傷悲劇人物。導演爾冬陞 說過,智叔眼神「凶狠非常」,筆者見證,裏面像個深海,時而波平如鏡,時而翻起暗湧。


筆者問一個問題,他思考良久,最長一次想了一分鐘,他不是迴避你,而是不願信口開河,在一分鐘裏,他瞇着眼,頭傾側,吃力從深處挖出最精準用字。千呼萬喚始出來的答案,缺少了「無綫」「政府」等主體語,但批評依然扔地有聲。有時他會說寓言故事,聽得人模稜兩可,但只要連同那豐富的形體演譯和千變萬化的眼神,你會明白他說什麼。


在這個脈絡裏,你知道,當他要批評自己前僱主,嘉許一個新玩家,智叔的話,句句肺腑。離開無綫多年,去年替王維基 拍了一套劇,在新工作模式下,讓他重拾了久違的拍劇樂趣。今天,看到這個讓藝人有基本尊嚴,肯提升製作水平的老闆不獲發牌 ,智叔極度失望:「這次不發牌,是我演藝生涯的一件大事。我幾十年沒有享受過工作,現在有機會享受,忽然沒有了,還不大件事?」他更形容,現在發兩個牌,沒大幅改變電視生態:「一潭死水要加入活水才有生機,現在是在潭死水裏,加了兩滴水,泛起了兩個漣漪」。


發牌被阻,有人激憤得今天要上街 。智叔不肯透露他會否參加,但哀莫大於心死:「一字咁淺(嘅發牌道理)都要上街,我寧可唔要(個牌)。」更實際的做法,智叔說,大家「唔好睇」某大台才是力量所在


然而更令人心寒的,是一種集體絕望。王維基說香港公義已死 ,智叔說得更深入:「香港沒有公義?從來都沒有,只是以前它(當權者)會給你一個希望,𧨾你說有希望的,傻啦,有(希望)的,現在是連希望也要幻滅你……」說到這裏,智叔在筆者眼前耍了兩下魔法,尤如一個欺哄人的小丑,然後忽然變臉,放空眼神,以poker face木訥地說:「現實就係,無!」在昏黃的初秋夜,一陣無情風颳起,把樹葉紙張吹得亂作一團,筆者打了個冷震,眼前恍惚看到扼殺香港創意工業的死神。


「壟斷」出現客觀現象


廖啟智出名謙虛。筆者致電邀約訪問,請他這位TVB老臣子又拍過王維基劇集的資深藝人,評一評發牌事件。智叔最初說:「我看法未必夠全面」,記者情急解釋,他才安慰:「我只是說自己經歷未必代表全面,但也願意跟你談。」到了約會時間,現於浸會大學教演戲的他下課後趕來,遲到五分鐘不忘道歉。記者上前跟他握手,他有點生硬,你可以感到一種害羞和慢熱,但骨子裏有一種誠懇。


入行三十多年,智叔是個「TVB傳奇」,自小在基層家庭長大,因親戚在大東電報局 工作,家裏得以用便宜價安裝「麗的映聲」 ,在粵語長片 裏看到童星馮寶寶,啟蒙他要做演員。中學畢業後,兩次投考無綫藝員訓練班才入圍。智叔常說,做人要有自知之明,知道自己不「高大靚仔」,但多年來在電視及電影機會不絕,兩次獲得金像獎 最佳男配角。


智叔說,自己愛穩定,而無綫「樹大好遮蔭」,收入又不錯,一直沒動機外闖:「熟了制度,工作模式掌握到,人的自省能力會減低,(大台)沒競爭,偶然隔籬(亞視)咬一啖,我哋就醒一醒神,當隔籬台無嘢咬,我哋就繼續,叫對得住份人工。」智叔承認,演員也不敢進取:「要求太多,跟整個氣氛不夾。」


智叔認為,不理無綫認不認,「壟斷」已經出現:「像賽跑一樣,跑道上只得我一個跑,「沒人跟到我,我為何發力?」所以,無論它是否承認壟斷,客觀現象是出現了。」


智叔在TVB服務二十五年,至二○○五年離開。他強調,和舊公司關係不錯,亦感激對方給予的工作機會。然而,外界一直報道他離巢主要為家庭(其幼子二○○三年患病),但今日智叔透露,當初離開,和舊公司管理手法也有關。


智叔形容,最初TVB 成立,藝人大都是簽同一種合約:固定薪金,每月包十個「show」(一個show是半小時節目,即每月曝光五小時)。至九十年代中,合約種類變多,知名度低藝人出現不合理待遇:如只簽一個show 卻被合約綁死一年,亦有藝人因出show 不足,在下一期合約被追討:


「有人覺得這些條款匪夷所思,或不合乎合約精神,但亦有人說:你可以不簽,但藝人有選擇嗎?」


智叔發現,公司氣氛有所改變:「以前覺得公司好溫暖,大家一齊打拼,而家(公司)建立了,開始同你計數,「不要跟我講感情」,甚至同事傾約,管理層說話和態度已經「公事公辦」,甚至出現「尖銳挑釁性字眼」,這個變化,令我向心力不強。」智叔形容,同事在負面情緒下工作,促使他於二○○五年離開。


部頭拍劇綁死兩年


離巢兩年,一位相熟監製邀請他回TVB拍劇,以「部頭」 形式接了一套劇,簽約前卻發現條文無理:一套只拍兩個月的劇,竟要綁死兩年,期間不可於其他免費電視台工作。智叔說,對方解釋「這是制度」「這是規定」,並不是針對他。智叔憤憤不平,「唔係嘛?我拍兩個月咋,拍完不就是拍完了嗎?」但也無奈接受,因為更悲哀是,爭取了自由身也沒用,事關另一個免費台亞視近乎沒製作,但智叔依然有氣:「我感受是不好的」。


智叔表面有點酷,卻掩蓋不住一個演員的高度敏感,訪問裏多次提及「感受」。他分析,無綫沒實質競爭,故此沒動機維持員工士氣,但叫他惋惜是,一個以人為本的創意工業,竟悄悄流失了「人味」,說到這裏,他聲線柔軟,但字字清晰:「最初入TVB一切都是新的,可以說不成熟,但很人性。當它成熟到一個階段,變成脫離了人味,它變成不需要顧及感受,但人往往需要一種感受。」


電視台沒「人性」可以去到幾盡?大台為了提升生產力,白天外景,晚間廠景,同一班演員早上六時開工,凌晨三時收工,每天只剩數小時回家冲涼睡眠,但人不是機器:「觀眾可以看到,畫面裏的演員好唔夠瞓,狀態跟劇情應有的不一樣」。藝人拍劇期間想有社交,想有正常生活,是一種「奢望」。


去年夏天,廖啟智參與王維基新公司的《警界線》製作,飾演一個亦正亦邪的卧底。電視界老臣子如他,像劉姥姥入了大觀園,首先是技術上的創新:全實景拍攝,兩部攝影機同步運作:「這些條件是「革命性」的,過往幾十年香港電視製作,沒人會想過用這些方法,是一種「奢望」。」


更可貴是,資深演員如廖啟智,數十年來首次覺得,「原來工作可以如此享受」。他形容,以前拍劇是在「精神體力極度壓縮」,現在是「有空間給演員入戲」:以前二十集拍兩個月,現在拍半年;以前每日工作十九小時,現在縮減至十二小時,當然,老闆給演員的支票大張了,花在製作的開支上升了:「除了頭幾年入行,慢慢已沒有享受過拍劇,這一次才有番。」怪不得,有人形容無綫叫「舊世界」,王維基開拓了「新世界」。


聽到這裏,筆者感到一陣悲涼,香港演員多年委曲求全,過着比「碼頭工人」更剝削的生活,還有人拿着「自由市場」作藉口,指藝人「自願」被剝削;亦有藝人把這種舊秩序「內化」,揚言感謝大台霸權,才能練就一口流利普通話回應其他電視台訪問。


筆者大學主修心理學,記得一個經典實驗,科學家把狗放在大箱裏,箱子一邊通電,只要狗躍過中間欄柵跳到另一邊,就可以免卻被電刺痛,研究發現,狗會不斷跳躍,即使氣來氣喘,心理依然健康。但若欄柵另一邊也是通電的,意味牠如何努力跳躍,一樣會被懲罰。最恐怖是,有一天,欄柵另一邊不再通電,狗也放棄再跳,只會伏在地上任電流刺痛。簡單說,這隻狗「認命了」。科學家說,人亦一樣,長時間發現努力白費,會產生一種後天養成的自我放棄心態(learned helplessness) ,現在政府的做法,如同關掉了創意工業工作者等待多年後的最後一扇逃生門,把業內最後一線生機也要滅絕。


人味流失希望幻滅


智叔像個智者,一矢中的點出今次事件最令人擔心的事實: 「希望的幻滅」。他承接了王維基所說,香港沒有了公義,卻更透徹地分析,公義或許從來也許沒有,但至少當權者會願意假裝,欺哄我們「有的有的,這世界有希望的」,但今次決定,如同把香港人僅有的希望也要消滅: 「現實就是,無」


請智叔分析,事件對香港整體社會的啟示。他像老僧入定,苦苦思索,良久才語帶相關地指,這次發牌決策,也反一種「無人味」的管治思維: 「這次結果是,它不需要理會你的感受。」筆者追問,「它」是當權者?智叔沒否認,只慎重地重複:「它不會理會你感受囉。」


慎言的智叔,沒有落力稱許王維基,只是陳述客觀事實:在王維基治下,創作團隊過着較有尊嚴的生活,製作水平提升,藝人有空間可鑽研演技,觀眾多一個選擇。這不過是一個健康的自由市場裏應有的生態,六天之前,政府無情扼殺。智叔回憶,周二晚聽到港視失落牌照,愕然非常:「我腦海裏諗,唔係嘛!」


對於政府不發牌的理據,連兩屆金像獎最佳男配角廖啟智也看不明白蘇錦樑局長 的戲碼。智叔幽默地道:「我真係理解不了,什麼叫一籃子(因素)?個籃幾大,裝什麼也不知道,我怎樣理解?我只是知道,(牌照)沒有。」


最大力量: 關電視


智叔說,不想猜度背後原因,說愈想愈令人難過。自稱懦弱的他說,感到扭轉事態機會渺茫,今天會否上街,他形容自己「思考中」,更有點絕望地說:「一字咁淺嘅嘢,(政府)都做唔到,如果下下要上街才可得到,我寧願不要你可以說我消極,但消極也是一種抗爭。」他反而認為,關電視是一種可行方法:「既然,大家看到這個現象,就用選擇權去選擇,我覺得最大的力量是「唔睇」……觀眾要醒覺,有些習性我們不一定要堅持。」


兩個新牌電盈和有線 ,不會主攻電視劇,坊間認為,未能改變一台獨大,智叔以寓言故事,形容電視行多年如「死水」,今次選擇性發牌,死水也翻不了波濤:「水唔郁係死水,有嘢郁才是活水,你看死水裏沒可能有太大生機,活水才能養生,生命才可以延續。現在(發兩個牌)只能說是在一潭死水裏,加咗兩滴水,產生了兩個漣漪。


一場革命需要勇氣


訪問在戶外,由黃昏一直進行到入夜,一陣陣秋風吹來,加上智叔的悲觀看法,令人絕望。我哀問智叔,香港人如何還有希望?智叔忽然小人物上身,推說自己沒責任令香港人有希望。大家靜了片刻,他又於心不忍心,引述港視同事收到噩耗後,發給他的短訊,內容是:「這是一場革命,革命不一定成功;一定成功的革命,便不需要勇氣。」智叔解讀,若大家把這件事看成革命,就知道革命會失敗,會流血,有犧牲,雖然過程難受,但至少「勇於去革命的人,才可貴。」


不少演員擔心得罪「舊有秩序」。智叔笑言,近年已轉向以電影為主,亦已過了「無嘢做唔得」的階段,故不太擔心。這次和王維基以「部頭」形式合作,不獲發牌他最傷心的是作品沒法重見天日。問他是否被大台列入黑名單,智叔笑着問:「我怎知道?但在公開場合,它(無綫)不會訪問你。 」


對於香港電視觀眾,智叔有什麼說話要說?這個擅長演譯深沉角色的實力派,還是勸勉大家要內觀,要自省,戒掉對一間電視台的情感依賴:「其實人是需要有感情依附,一路慢慢成長,我們要學會不帶感情,或至少設個界限,做觀眾也是。觀眾好想有感情寄託,奈何有時所託非人,我哋都要有所取捨。」訪問完畢,我們客氣地道別,他一轉身,沿着昏黃的街燈漸行漸遠。我想起《無間道2》 ,智叔飾演的黑道人物,殺人之後,旁邊有人在埋屍,他在荒野裏用口琴吹起一首《Auld Lang Syne》。


***


[後記]


每一次訪問,都擴闊我的眼界.以前我以為,演藝人物在幕前口齒伶俐,幕後他們也應該口甜舌滑.訪問完智叔,令我大跌眼鏡.


我保留了當日訪問的錄音聲帶,教新聞採訪課時會播放節錄給同學聽.智叔在錄音中說話零碎、斷裂、主語欠奉,有時我問一個問題,接着是一片死寂,dead air數十秒,他才老鼠拉龜地回應.談話內容有時抽象,聽得人不明所以.學生聽到智叔的反應,忍不住苦笑,有時皺眉.


我會問同學:「廖啟智不想接受我訪問嗎?不是.」我的觀察是這樣的.從第一通我打給他的電話開始,他的每一個反應都顯示他願意做訪問,但他的開放程度有限,有意識去保護自己的私隱.例如他只把辦公室電話留給我,跟我碰面後握了一次手,握手的力度有一點僵硬(我在課堂上經常跟學生玩握手遊戲,請學生判斷不同力度握手表達了主人翁的甚麼性格).

遇到如此受訪者,採訪風格也要作出配合.由於智叔說話風格簡約,不少意思是由身體語言、語氣傳達,我大膽在文章裡做了一些詮譯和解讀.文章刊出後,有人認為我的書寫太過主觀.完稿後,雖然文章受歡迎,但我的心情仍然忐忑.直至幾天之後遇到一件事,才放下心頭大石.


話說港視不獲發牌後,員工連日在金鐘政府總部公民廣場留守,晚晚舉行集會,不少藝人出席,獨欠廖啟智.直至一個晚上,我在金鐘現場,赫然發現台上發言的正是廖啟智,我忍不住走近台邊.本來站在台上的叔智,在人群中看到我,緩緩地走到我面前,更彎下腰伸出右手,示意邀請我握手.我立即伸手回應,在數以百計的群眾面前,我們握了第二次的手.他一如以往簡約地說了幾個字:「篇文寫得好好」.那一刻,我的滿足感難以言喻.


之後,在台下遇到廖啟智太太陳敏兒.敏兒和他丈夫的性格相反,熱情親切,他捉着我的手,溫柔地說:「文章寫得好呀.」我忍不住說:「最初也擔心,把智叔寫得那麼悲觀會不好.」她答得有權威:「怎會呢?他就是這樣的一個人呀!」我放下心頭大石,跟她說,現在我在大學教學生做記者.她如同媽媽般叮囑我:「現在很多傳媒寫的東西都是假的,你記住,要教導學生,只寫真的東西.」我會好好記住,謝謝你,敏兒.


(照片:明報星期日生活副刊,明報攝影記者陳淑安)




Source: 譚蕙芸

https://www.facebook.com/1435535666534854/posts/3934896773265385

https://mewe.com/p/tamww2/show/606099ea71bd7f543b338baa

拜登加強陰乾中國及孤立中國——《外國公司問責法案》與《防止強迫維吾爾勞動法》與美國版本的一帶一路基建投資

特朗普在任四年,扭轉美國姑息中共的路線,將中共視為競爭對手及安全威脅,然而由於中共已經加入全球化,故此特朗普對付中共的部署是逐步和漫長的,他先抽走中共的美元補給及國際夥伴,陰乾中國和孤立中國。拜登改造選舉法例奪取總統大位之後,他並無返回奧巴馬或小布殊的路線,而是延續特朗普的路線,繼續陰乾中國和孤立中國,而且加入民主黨專長的人權和環保議程,呼籲盟友加入。拜登上台,加強了系統戰術,他用國際規則和民主盟友來令中共受到制裁和多方面圍攻。這是布林肯在三月十二日訪問日本的時候公佈的。美日部長級二加二會談後的新聞稿中,點名中國在印太地區對鄰國所進行的威嚇和破壞穩定的行為,侵害了「以規則為基礎的國際體系」(the rules-based international system),這是拜登戰術的公開宣告。

拜登沒有延續以前民主黨的路線,理由很簡單:他已經是總統,而且他擔任副總統期間熟悉習近平,他熟悉獨裁者的程度遠遠高於特朗普,在拜登三月二十五日就任總統之後的首次記者會演講詞可見,他知道習近平是民主陣營的大敵,在經過特朗普闖開新路之後,拜登沒必要走回頭路,而且中共經過特朗普的修理之後,也是殺氣騰騰,中美雙方都回不去了,今後唯有決一高下這是中美的新形勢,香港必會有池魚之殃。在中共決意直接統治香港之後,香港的形勢也已改變,美國是否還要挽救一個自由開放的香港,看來美國並無此意,也沒有可能。只能等待中共在香港蠻幹一番之後,恢復寬容對待香港吧,而這需要相當長的時間,要中國的公司回流在香港上市,香港的財閥與中共達成新的共識,裡面需要靈活的港澳辦的人員和新的香港管治陣容,香港的制度並不完好,從來都是靠人才來維繫法治和開放的,在目前的情況看來,並不容易。

拜登的做法是將特朗普留下的一套做好做大,而且外結同盟。在壓迫在美國的中資公司方面,美國證券交易委員會(SEC)在上周三(24日)通過臨時最終修正案,執行《外國公司問責法》要求在美上市公司證明不受外國政府控制或擁有的規定,如若干公司被視為不符合美國的審計標準,將相關公司從美國證券交易所除牌。消息傳來,在美國上市的中資公司股價大跌,從2%到20%不等。在中資公司方面,如果要在美國上市,裡面不能有黨組織,甚至不能有黨員。這大概要實行黨、企分家吧。如果真的要執行,國企唯有回流香港上市,當然在美國上市的國企業績良好,在香港有投資者追捧的,但這只是加強美國在香港搞金融風暴、打劫股市的危險

inews.hket.com/article/2915992/【中概股股災】美國SEC落實外國公司問責法案%E3%80%80百度跌9-領跌科技股、港交所掉頭大升

抵制新疆棉花事件的手法,可以看出拜登團隊的風格拉攏盟國和企業甚至消費者來抵制中國在國際裡面用人權來促使排華和人民裡面培養排華情緒。有眾議員在二月二十日重新將二〇二〇年九月二十日通過的《防止強迫維吾爾勞動法》(Uyghurs Forced Labor Prevention Act)以加強法案方式呈上眾議院, 該法案是不需提出證據的,一旦審查委員會判定某公司有使用維族的強迫勞工,該公司要自己證明沒有,否則會被處罰。根據澳洲策略政策研究所(Australian Strategic Policy Institute)在2020年2月的研究報告顯示,2017-2019年間,有八萬名新疆工人被運到中國各地勞動。聘用新疆勞工的工廠包括德國的汽車裝配公司。根據台灣的調查報導,新疆人在再教育營出去之後會被強簽合約,在公安的監視器之下勞動,薪金微薄,而在2018年的中國政府計劃中,有十萬新疆人被送到外地工作。

https://www.aspi.org.au/report/uyghurs-sale

一旦法案以加強方式通過,涉及新疆的原料和員工的公司必會脫離關係,實現逐步以法律強制的生產鏈脫離中國(decoupling China)從姑息新疆的再教育營,到外國公司使用新疆原料和勞工,到《防止強迫維吾爾勞動法》在特朗普在任的時候通過,可見美國處心積慮,在利用完新疆勞工之後採取人權制裁措施

拜登在3月25日的記者會上評價習近平說:「他骨子裡沒有一丁點的民主,但他是個聰明人。像普京一樣,他是那種認為專制是未來的潮流、民主在一個越來越複雜的世界裡無法發揮作用的人之一。」拜登強調,世界如今面臨著「民主與專制的較量」,而「我們必須證明民主是起作用的」。

拜登在27日與英國首相通話,建議民主

國家發起基礎設施項目,抗衡中國的一帶一路計劃,拜登領導的是民主國家聯盟,將與中共領導的專制國際聯盟做長期的冷戰。說到底,是經濟在起作用。在全球經濟衰退的時候,國家必會提倡本國保護主義與地緣區域/政治同盟的保護主義中國在這個時候與美國鬧翻,正好被美國孤立和排擠,不能取得美國增發來復甦經濟的美元和訂單

中共的習近平,目前正為了自己在年底要連任黨總書記,不斷強化排外的義和團運動,用外國危機來強迫中央委員會除了支持他連任之外,並無他想慈禧救得了中國,但救不了大清習近平是救得了自己,救不了中共。這是極權專制國家面臨強敵環伺的結局。香港落在這個局面,可謂困難重重。一旦香港立法會通過新的選舉條例,美國必會制裁香港,到時未必採用針對個別官員的老方式,至於是否引發新疆棉花事件的中國義和團叫囂和國際漣漪效應,大家拭目而待

#以前我在政府總部工作時期,每日給政府高層就是撰寫這種趨勢分析簡報。但篇幅比這篇更精簡,限於一頁紙。現在於Patreon的園地維持一下這種能力。

#拜登總統的戰略分析。新疆棉花事件,可以見到他的手腕。本文預告他什麼時候會制裁香港,以及連帶盟友的攻勢有幾凌厲。這是一篇well-researched的文章,故此放在較高的閱讀級別。

Source: 陳雲

https://www.patreon.com/posts/bai-deng-jia-yin-49277551

https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10158997788622225

上層社會不戴口罩

英國首相今早會見議員及學者,支援他們譴責新疆人權。看清楚他們,全部無戴口罩,全部近距離接觸,生活如常。這就是上層社會。那些戴口罩的是下層社會。

看約翰遜幾時刪除照片或貼文。

https://www.facebook.com/borisjohnson/posts/10158257071421317

Source: 陳雲

https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10158997605862225

Friday, March 26, 2021

又要搶購廁紙了

紙漿公司的付運受阻,預計廁紙會短缺和加價

不過,我有興趣的,是比較台灣和美國媒體的新聞圖片。台灣的拍攝得好像沒有堵塞運河。美國的顯示這是騙人的擱淺。好像只要貨輪開動引擎就能解決。這副擱淺樣子,就像用弱感冒來封鎖全世界一年以上那樣。起碼要撞爆河堤,將貨櫃倒滿河底,這樣才像樣吧。

官方的解釋,是貨輪遇到沙塵暴和強風,於是迷失方向而擱淺。

以下是美國《紐約時報》的照片:

https://www.nytimes.com/live/2021/03/27/world/suez-canal-stuck-ship
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/03/25/world/middleeast/suez-canal-ship.html

以下是台灣《自由時報》的照片:

https://news.ltn.com.tw/news/world/breakingnews/3478071

#堵塞交通要道,貨運受阻,禁運,總令人想到戰爭的預備。即使是香港的全民集運在新年之後的淘寶貨物停止運輸,訂貨等了一個月也沒消息,也有禁運的意味。

#UTC 3月23日,長榮海運旗下的一艘名為EVER GIVEN 超大型集裝箱船駛入蘇伊士運河後不久,在蘇伊士運河北部航段擱淺,位置如下圖。造成蘇伊士運河雙向航道關閉,初步消息稱,全船跳電black out是導致本次擱淺事故的一個主要原因。MV Ever Given船長400米,型寬近59米,20388TEU,是一艘目前世界最大級別的集裝箱船舶。該輪船東公司為日本SHOEI KISEN,船舶實際運營公司為台灣的長榮海運,船舶管理公司為貝仕香港。

#Cargo ship drew a penis and butt before getting stuck in Suez Canal

#這樣子叫擱淺?騙誰啊。只要開動引擎就能解決。人類好騙,這副擱淺樣子,就像用弱感冒來封鎖全世界一年以上那樣!這場爛戲是侮辱人類吧,起碼要撞爆河堤,將貨櫃倒滿河底,這樣才像樣!

Source: 陳雲

https://www.patreon.com/posts/you-yao-qiang-ce-49217721

https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10158993908577225

Tuesday, March 23, 2021

The Great Reset is Orwell’s “Animal Farm” as a ZOO (Transcript)

Twenty years ago when I went to London with my family and my boys were young, we took them to the Children's Museum and let them play in the the upstairs area.  They had a loop that was running and it was talking about Gaia Theory.  We were on a train.  There was a left-behind magazine, a science magazine, all about Gaia Theory.  It was the rage they were selling it everywhere—they were selling it to the kids and they were telling the mass—that the Earth is a sentient being and the human beings are a virus and too many of us around here are going to kill the Earth and so we have to have depopulation.

And so here we are.  They tell you that they want to save you from a virus, but these people think you are the virus.  And they want to eliminate you.

In a zoo, the animals are confined.  Their diet, their reproduction, their interaction with other species, their consumption of resources—all of these things are carefully managed, depending on the zookeepers' goals.  In the 21st century, COVID has given the intellectuals on their political and media lackeys the ability to turn modern life into a giant zoo, an "Animal Farm: zoo, run by the pigs—the Marxists are the pigs.

The obvious question "When will things return to normal?" is always answered by the authorities: "Well, they won't return to normal."  The ruling class contemplates and wants a normal in which rights and privileges will be granted only to those who comply.  The elite have turned the world into a zoo with themselves as the keepers and the rest of us as the animals that have to be trained or destroyed.  The good news is, the animals in this new zoo are the most creative, innovative, adaptive and resilient creatures on the planet and there's still a chance that we can bust out of this joint.

And I'll repeat, if you're going to take away everything from the most productive people and then rub their nose in it, that's a very bad idea.

Source: David Knight

https://twitter.com/libertytarian/status/1374331844632719360

https://ugetube.com/watch/greatreset-is-orwell-s-animal-farm-as-a-zoo_JHadMBqQyu1oIoa.html

【大人學書摘】和異性怎樣聊不停?從心理學切入,找出男生和女生截然不同的聊天技巧

今天,大人學想選一篇出自中國熱門節目「奇葩說」辯手寫的書《小學問》,這些辯手在「奇葩說」中,常針對一個議題反覆討論,其實這就是我們思辯的過程。這些觀點不見得已蓋棺論定,但是提供觀眾不同的切入點,很有意思。在這書中,有篇關於男生與女生在聊天模式上的差異及其有趣的觀察,想選來當作閒聊的補充知識。這也跟Bryan曾在《第一次閒聊就上手(五):男生如何跟剛認識的女生聊天》的一個概念有異曲同工之妙:為何有些男生的聊天方式會讓女生反感?其背後原因,來自「男生想要掌控局勢的慾望」。因為兩人初次見面,彼此關係充滿了不確定性,男生的天性會想要降低這種模糊感與焦慮,因此想要掌控全局,但是這都不是女生要的。

那麼,女生的聊天模式是什麼?女生想在聊天裡得到什麼、我該怎麼做才能讓女生跟我聊不停呢?

隨著閱歷的增長,很多人發現,年輕時覺得最拉風酷炫的愛情橋段,原來不是那麼回事。兩人長期相處,能避免誤解,才是最重要的前提

所以,要有異性緣,首先得避開有關兩性的一些常見錯誤觀念。正確的理解,才是提升吸引力的正解。


第一個錯誤觀念是:女人天生就比男人嘮叨。


中國俗諺說:三名女人一臺戲。

西方俗話說:兩名女人等於一千隻鴨子。

女人話多,似乎是古今中外的共識。心理學家布哲婷(Louann Brizendine, M.D)曾經統計,女性平均一天要說兩萬個詞男性只有區區七千個。當丈夫用完自己的話語額度下班回家,妻子還有一萬三千個詞沒說。

等一下,先問自己幾個問題:說女人話多的,通常是什麼人?男人。

什麼樣的人可以嫌別人話多?地位比較高的人

同樣講半個小時,在員工就叫「沒重點」,在老闆就叫「深入透澈」。話多話少,絕對的數量只是一方面的參考值,更多的主觀感受其實是相對於「話語權」而言的

話語權較低的一方,才有「話多」的問題。昆汀.塔倫提諾的電影就經常反用這個原則,用大段毫無意義的臺詞來彰顯權力感—被槍指著腦袋的人,絕不會嫌對方「囉唆」

學者魏斯特布魯克與埃金斯拍攝了幾所大學教職員會議的全部過程,透過分析錄影發現,幾乎所有男士發言的頻率都比女士高。而且,毫無例外,每名男士的說話時間都比女士長。

根據記錄,男性每次說話,長達十到十七秒;而女性的發言,長度卻只在三到十秒。說話時間最長的女性,講的都沒有說話時間最短的男性多。

美國東北大學的拉澤跟他的同事用迷你攝影機研究了一百三十三名研究志願者的交談。這些人被分到兩種環境,一種是隨意聊天的環境,另一種則是有主題的討論,也就是「任務驅動型」交談

結果,在隨意聊天時,男性和女性的談話意願相當;在任務驅動的合作性環境中,當群體人數較少時,女性勝出;人數超過六人時,男性話說得更多

美國楊百翰大學(Brigham Young University)和普林斯頓大學的一項聯合研究也表明,幾乎在任何專業場合,男性都會佔用或分到更多發言時間女性則會對自己的話語進行自我審查和編輯,會為說話太直率感到抱歉。但男性則毫無這方面的顧慮,甚至在沒有被問到的情況下也會咄咄逼人,甚至還會跟意見不同的人展開辯論。

簡言之:人越多,場合越正式,男性就越愛講話

出現這種現象,主要是因為兩性對於「說話」的理解不同。

對大多數男性而言,對話就像一場競爭,藉由說話,可以展現個人的獨立性,彰顯自己的社會地位。所以,他們的重點是表現自己「不一樣」,比如男性喜歡說「我告訴你啊」「這你就有所不知了」之類的話。

而對於大多數女性而言,語言不是用來競爭,而是用來溝通的所以,她們的重點在於維繫彼此關係,展現彼此的相似性。比如女性喜歡用「沒錯」「對呀」「我也這麼覺得」之類的話,順著對方的話題講下去。

所以,男人在公眾場合話多女人卻在私密場合話多。就好像平常在家中,母親可能話多;一來了客人,父親就喜歡高談闊論、把酒言歡。

進一步來說,男生跟女生聊天的模式也很不一樣,女生是「重疊型談話」,男生則是「交替型談話」。當一群女生說話時,話題往往是共用的,她們說話的模式是大家一起說;而當一群男生聊天時,他們的話題往往是專用的,也就是你說就是你說,我說就是我說,談話必須交替進行,不能摻在一起。

假設現在有A、B、C三名女子一起談論她們的國慶假期。她們的談話大概會是如此:

A:「我跟妳們說,我上週去馬來西亞玩,那裡的海灘好漂亮。」

B:「哇,真好,我今年夏天到現在都還沒去過海邊。」

C:「是吼,我男朋友也老是說要帶我去海邊,但一直都只是說說。」

A:「哎呀,所以我去馬來西亞時,就一直在做筆記,把合適的景點都記下來,下次,我們就可以一起去啊。」

這就是典型的女生談話,一人提出話題,其他人七嘴八舌補充。但是補充和打岔的那些人,並不是要把話題搶走,而是想藉由「打岔」來參與藉由「相互附和」把氣氛帶起來

這個去海邊玩的話題,在她們的理解中是一群人「共用」的。所以,儘管女生喜歡插話,但並不是在打斷,反而是在附和、補充、參與、完成這段對話。所有人的談話是重疊在一起的。

反觀男生的習慣,則是強行扭轉話題,然後把關注焦點引導到自己身上,從而開始發表自己的長篇大論。

A:「我跟你們說,我上週去馬來西亞玩,那裡的海灘好漂亮。」

B:「馬來西亞這地方真的不錯,去年我在吉隆坡看到……」

C:「出去玩還是要找些小眾的地方,上次我去地中海一個小島……」

這就是為什麼男生特別強調「不要打斷別人說話」,因為男生的打斷,真的是打斷。即使接話時很客氣,看起來像是順著承接對方的說法,其實是另起爐灶

所以男生講話時,通常心裡很清楚這是誰「專用」的話題原則上來說,任何時候都只能有一個中心,旁人就算附和,也不能搶「主題發言者」的風頭,否則就是失禮

這樣一來,從旁觀者的角度來看,就會覺得女生說話七嘴八舌,男生說話則是輪流高談闊論。因此,就算說的一樣多,也會覺得是女生比較愛說話。而當男女之間進行對話時,「專用」與「分享」的矛盾,就會更加明顯。

洛陽理工學院的袁宏智副教授針對男女說話模式進行了追蹤實驗,在分析十一組男女的三十一次談話錄音之後,他發現男方插嘴女方談話九次,打斷十六次,而女方沒有插嘴男方談話,打斷男方僅兩次。

重疊和打斷,往往會造成女方的沉默,使男方獲得改變話題的機會。語言心理學家漢考克和魯賓也觀察到,在大約三分鐘的對話裡,女人平均只會打斷男人一次,但男人打斷女人的次數多達二.八次。而且在表達要求時,女性往往是「旁敲側擊」,男性卻習慣「直截了當」

可見,當男人說「女人更喜歡說話」時,一定要注意,這雖然有一定的生理和事實依據,但更多的則是由談話模式權力關係造成的。

男人要警惕自己提起話題的習慣變成專橫霸道,女人則要防止自己分享和傾聽的習慣變成懦弱和退縮。

男女之間相互注意到對方特殊的說話方式,才能聊得開心。


全文選自《小學問》的〈女生真的比男生嘮叨嗎?〉一文

Source: 大人學

https://www.facebook.com/darencademy/posts/1503759809819384

https://www.darencademy.com/article/view/id/16612

Sunday, March 21, 2021

香港人抗疫,從從不抵抗主義到不合作主義——論公共衛生暴政的致命弱點

蔣介石

不抵抗主義是中日大戰的時候,民國政府的蔣介石總統用來拖垮侵略中國的日本皇軍的戰術。因為打不贏,無法戰勝對方,故此避免戰爭,唯有不抵抗。但敵人一路都是不戰而勝,就不懂得是怎樣戰勝的,因為無法從戰鬥來理解對方的虛實與脾性。況且,戰勝之後就是佔領和統治,要引入自己的文化常態來統治。戰線延長了,經費和補給緊張了,但用自己的一套來統治異類,才是最折磨人的。自己連自己都統治不好,卻要變成異族的主人,自己要守自己訂立的新法規,久而久之變成另類的自己。統治者異化了自己,就會神經失常而犯錯。這是戰勝之後的統治的危險之處。

香港人在2019年的挫敗之後,自我放棄,貪生怕死,在神推鬼使之下,香港人對付港共的防疫侵略,用的正是不抵抗主義,從口罩、限聚令、封校,都是這樣,香港人不抵抗,港共的戰線拖得太長,庫房空虛了,人員疲於奔命了。政府訂立的防疫新常態,連自己也弄得生活異化了。用暴政來統治的人,行使暴政者是最先受到傷害的,如果他們不能用虐待的方式來發洩,早晚會精神病。然而,用公共衛生來做的暴政,就是要保護而不能虐待,故此他們只能用隔離七日、十四日提升到二十一日,將學童同學,嬰兒從父母手上搶走來單獨隔離,但這些由於是不見血的,不是2019年的街頭暴打和隱秘拘留所集體輪姦和色慾摧殘乃至赤身裸體扔下高樓和大海,統治者無法平衡他們施加自己身上的暴政。

於是,港共痴撚咗線。


這時候,美國換了拜登上台,部署戰爭。目前美國是重組英美自由盟國,美國、印太的戰略四國(Quad的美國、日本、印度和澳洲)、加上英國法國德國的北約(NATO)戰艦也陸續雲集印太海域,中國也在拉攏俄羅斯、伊朗、委內瑞拉等獨裁國,組合自己的獨裁國家資源供應鏈和內循環,二戰時期的盟國(The Allies)和軸心國(The Axis powers)的對陣儼然成型。但現在是戰後的國際秩序,不容易開打,美國現在做很多的國際結盟和國內立法。香港是中共的軟肋,甚至是死穴港府現在沉溺於抗疫和損傷香港的經濟,對於美國來說,是一個最忠誠的、無意識的間諜政府,也是最理想的合作夥伴

現在,香港人誘敵深入,港共騎虎難下。今日,港共的政務司張建宗想用疫苗接種比率來脫身,香港人現在改陣,用不合作主義。由於香港是三不管地帶,國產疫苗的副作用和致死新聞得不到掩蓋(在其他國家是大部分疫苗事故掩蓋住的),嚇得香港人取消預約疫苗,不去打第二針。其他的香港人在觀望,就是不打疫苗,你吹咩?

港共之所以失敗,是因為不懂得戰爭論。打仗要預算戰果,打敗或戰勝的情況。戰勝才是恐怖的,因為無了期。戰勝、佔領、改造、撤出、牽制,這是美國在二次大戰對付納粹德國和軍國主義日本的方法,是有日程的。防疫的退場策略、撤出方法(exit strategy)是宣稱用疫苗接種比率來聲稱達到群體免疫力,之後用疫苗護照、免疫檢測來做長期牽制。但如果無法完成疫苗接種,就無法退場。時間一直在耽誤,但美國已經蠢蠢欲動,各方面對付香港了。這是港共的尷尬之處。

香港人的不抵抗主義,是拖長戰線爭取時間給敵人進入戰場。現在,抗疫不抵抗了一年,終於等到敵人了,美國以新的姿態進來了。換了總統,美國的共和黨和民主黨移形換影,拜登要部署打仗了,而香港必會是前線。之前特朗普總統準備的對付香港的國內立法,在他任內只是用了一點,將來會用得更厲害,成為對付香港的武器,歐盟、英國也會加入香港的戰場。

香港人呀,這一仗,打得比二〇一九年的「反送中」更精彩呀!我陳雲現在才讚賞大家,因為大家居然懂得不合作主義啊。厲害了,我的香港同胞們。

各位,大家知道嗎,日本皇軍是給誰消滅的?是給美國。用原子彈。

香港同胞們:我宣布,八年抗疫,現在開始了!

Source: 陳雲

https://www.patreon.com/posts/xiang-gang-ren-49012226

Saturday, March 20, 2021

忠誠廢物是時候走出 comfort zone 了

護法田飛龍拋出「忠誠廢物」概念,間接說「在座各位都是垃圾」,引發獻世派一陣恐慌和對號入座,想來他們總算有自知是廢物之明。另外有些人又分析,增加立法會和選委會議席,獻世派哪一派會得益,我都不知該笑好定點好,因為現在明顯是中共對獻世派失去耐性,隨時大掃除,讓新香港人取代之。

中共重手修改制度,除了打擊民主派,亦明顯是不信任獻世派,多年來花大錢培養仍然慘敗,因此索性新增一堆等於委任的議席加上審查會、國安法、宣誓法、廢區議會武功等多管齊下,令以後選舉完全受操控,想誰當選就當選,不用擔心民意

筆者早前在紫荊黨現身時,寫過直選他們難贏,估計要參選也是功能機會較大,但如今有委任議席了,當然是透過這邊啦。我們要留意,選委會新增界別,講明是「全國性組織」的香港成員,自是因為新香港人加入全國性組織比本地社團容易得多

成條路鋪好了:先循全國性組織做選委,再做立法會選委界別,一帆風順,新香港人議員就此誕生。30 定 40 席都好,西環要操控容乜易?如果西環已經發出名單祝福 30/40 人,其他獻世派人士夠膽自行參選嗎?加上委員會篩選,全部自動當選容乜易?

其實中共向來也不太信任獻世派,至今司局長都極少由獻世派政黨出任,更別說特首規定無政黨背景,但現在真是忍無可忍。過去一年極速更換兩辦主任,最近傳中聯辦再換了一半人,明顯是要切割跟香港利益集團的關係,準備掃走忠誠廢物。

中共常說香港有深層次矛盾,政治方面透過改選制和國安法做了,接下來就是民生問題,始終共產主義中政治和經濟是分不開。他們常常講住房問題,香港住房問題最大阻礙是誰?從來都是商界,例如批評空置稅「衰過共產黨」的。現在改選制正能溝淡商界的票。

回歸初期,治港主要靠土共、商界、鄉黑。可是現在證明土共充斥垃圾,香港商界萎縮(看恆指剩幾間港資),鄉黑只識打打殺殺,反而能力較強的公務員已調教完畢正好改選制引入新香港人,改變執政聯盟板塊組成。新香港人對一般舊香港人想甚麼(i.e. 民意)根本沒興趣,也鄙視利益集團的二世祖(畢竟大陸人上位要經過一輪廝殺),加上席位來自欽點,保證更忠誠好用

田護法講兩句,有些人就幻想中共會任用賢能之士,改善管治云云,則繼續不了解中共。忠誠好用,講的是如何堅定和成功執行政治任務,當然有好的經濟民生提案是加分,但首要是前者。曾國衛和新廣播處長之流有得升,曾鈺成曾俊華田北俊之流則被放置,就是如此。兩辦新主任亦預示未來只會繼續強硬路線。新香港人未有表現機會,但至少肯定夠忠誠,現在正是測試能力之時。

其實忠誠廢物本來也是不可抗力,正如很多人說了,這是結構性問題,中共跟港人價值觀背馳,中共愛管控而港人愛自由,執行中共旨意注定逆民意,要撐正苦又贏民意本身就是不可能的任務。中共改選制大概也是終於明白這點,畢竟你讓新香港人去直選也是贏不到

不過為了不驚動大局,加上培育需時,暫時新香港人參政的比例還是有限的,多數仍是土共、商界、鄉黑。田護法是警告他們,現在選舉完全由西環操控,你們可要更有表現,完全聽中央話,別牆頭草顧著自己既得利益。還有更出腸的就不用畫了:馬雲甚麼下場,商界看到了嗎?

某位永世聲沙的老土共,可能以為自己老資格,出來反駁田護法,是否忘記了歷史?不要說兔死狗烹是中國傳統,搞內部批鬥也是共產黨核心價值,無論史太林、毛澤東、金正恩,哪一個不是上台後搞清算的?老資格在主子眼中甚麼都不是。何況講根正苗紅,夠新香港人?

話說回來,獻世派不是最愛訓斥年輕人不應害怕跟大陸人競爭嗎?現在是他們示範自己不是忠誠廢物,怎樣走出 comfort zone 跟新香港人競爭的時候了。

Source: 假才子

https://www.thestandnews.com/politics/%E5%BF%A0%E8%AA%A0%E5%BB%A2%E7%89%A9%E6%98%AF%E6%99%82%E5%80%99%E8%B5%B0%E5%87%BA-comfort-zone-%E4%BA%86/

https://www.patreon.com/posts/48935869

Friday, March 19, 2021

港府鬥垮鬥臭外國駐港銀行家

港府鬥垮鬥臭外國駐港銀行家,終於收到效果啦!香港防疫政策,正式損害金融中心運作。國際投資銀行警告,如果繼續防疫隔離,會將員工調去其他地方操作。

《彭博》引述一名國際投行高層指,如果香港長期維持現行的隔離檢疫政策,公司不得不考慮將部份交易員,轉移至其他金融中心。另一間國際金融公司的管理層亦擔心,隨着疫苗加快推出,其他城市陸續放寬封關限制,倘若香港繼續現行檢疫措施,將不利他們挽留及吸引海外人才。政務司司長辦公室未回應事件。

https://www.businesstimes.com.sg/government-economy/hong-kong-rattles-bankers-with-unusually-strict-quarantine


中共撒野

楊潔篪在美中會談中故作驚訝地對布林肯說道:「我們以為你們會遵守基本的外交禮節」,大肆抨擊美國失禮。

這實在令人驚訝。

中國外交官之粗鄙無禮不僅舉世皆知,更非始自今日「戰狼外交」,早在中華人民共和國成立之初,中國外交官在世界各地遲到早退、吐痰撒野,所在多有,不得不逼得周恩來於1951年下令制定《對外賓交際須知》,從宴會不可遲到早退到室內不設痰盂等,要求中國外交官遵守,以免在世界各地丟人。

後來中國認為大國崛起,對小國經常有無禮行為。2011年,中國駐菲律賓政務一等秘書李永勝,因為在南沙問題的討論會上,對菲律賓官員高聲叫嚷,最後被禁止進入菲律賓外交部參加南沙群島的討論會議;去年中國外交官甚至乾脆闖入台灣外館於斐濟的酒會公然打人。

我有名親戚,並非台灣人,年輕時曾在中國留學,中文流利到與母語無異,曾經在該國領袖於北京和毛澤東與周恩來會晤時擔任翻譯,儘管他對中國崇拜不已,但是我仍從他的交談中,得知不少昔日中國與該國的外交公文往來,對中國外交官用語之粗魯,印象深刻。

上星期法國媒體《字母A》(La Lettre A)揭露,中國駐法大使盧沙野曾於上個月致函友台法國參議員李察(Alain Richard),威脅其取消訪台計畫,並不得與台灣有任何形式的接觸,信函措詞蠻橫無禮、嚴厲尖酸,令李察議員大為不滿。

盧沙野見媒體報導,自認並未撒野,乾脆公布信件,反而引來法國網民一陣嘲諷。

其實盧沙野正是因為擔任駐加拿大大使期間,從華為、孟晚舟到人質外交等事件,四處投書演說,以粗野的口吻批評加國政府,不受加拿大歡迎而被調離。不過習近平的戰狼外交鼓勵大使撒野,又將盧沙野調至法國擔任大使繼續撒野。

本次參與美中會談的王毅也是如此,受到習近平戰狼外交的鼓舞,一改平日溫和口吻,2016年在中加外長年度會議後的記者會上,一位加國記者引述香港書商失蹤事件詢問加國外長,有鑒於中國人權問題,「請問加拿大為什麼要與中國保持更緊密的關係?如何通過這種關係來促使中國改善人權?」

王毅一聽大怒,即使不是問他,仍忍不住跳出來,手指著記者說:「你的提問充滿了對中國的偏見,和所謂的不知從什麼地方來的傲慢,我是完全不能接受的。」然後不回答記者問題,反而反問記者:「你去過中國嗎?」「知道中國從一窮二白,幫助六億擺脫貧困嗎?」「知道中國是人均8000美元的第二大經濟體嗎?」「知道中國把保護人權列入到憲法當中了嗎?」……令人瞠目結舌,連加國素來親中的總理杜魯多都不得不出面表示,王毅對待加國記者的態度妨害新聞自由,完全不能接受。

就在美中兩國中止247天後再度舉行會談的同時,遭到中國人質外交而逮補的Michael Spavor和Michael Kovrig也將在被逮補15個月之後,受到中國法院審判,但是中國卻通知加國政府禁止在場,中國將獨自進行審判,並在美中會談中,由楊潔篪對美方人員訓話16分鐘,布林肯的回覆雖然十分精彩:

「我知道我們美國的不完美,我們會犯錯,我們遭遇挫折,我們會退步,但在歷史中我們所做的就是面對這些挑戰,以誠實、公開、透明的態度,而不是去忽略這些錯誤,也不是假裝不存在,或者隱藏這些缺失。經歷這些困境有時很痛苦,有時令人難堪,但每一次的經驗,都讓我們國家變得更強、更好、更團結。」​

但是如果僅將注意力放在這些內容就錯失對談焦點了。從楊潔篪的訓話到拒絕加國人員出席審判現場,都是歐巴馬杭州機場受辱的2.0版,美國如果像歐巴馬受辱後仍在為中國緩頰,表示有時其他元首也有類似的待遇,就只能令中國得寸進尺,西方人即使是中國專家也難以真正理解中國人的狡猾之處,為何像川普這樣粗魯不文者卻能獲得中國的禮遇。習近平這次的出招,是對拜登政府最大的試探,拜登的回應方式,將決定未來四年中國對付美國政府的基調


Source: 沈榮欽

https://www.facebook.com/1640627496/posts/10222325634523323/

Thursday, March 18, 2021

Britain should avoid undermining the Hong Kong judiciary

One of the most striking pointers to the standing of Hong Kong as a world city is the presence of foreign judges on its Court of Final Appeal. In addition to the chief justice and the three permanent judges, there are 14 overseas non-permanent judges, who sit in rotation for a few weeks each year. Normally one overseas judge sits on every case.

Two of the overseas judges are serving justices of the UK’s Supreme Court. They sit under a special arrangement agreed with the chief justice of Hong Kong in 1997. The other 12 are retired common law judges who previously served in their own top courts. Eight are British — I am one of them — three Australian and one Canadian.

This model is now under attack. Since the national security law came into force last year, there have been calls for British judges to withdraw. These calls have intensified since the changes to the electoral system introduced by the Chinese National People’s Congress last week. The Labour Party and The Times have joined the hue and cry. The problem about these demands is that they do not distinguish between democracy and the rule of law. Democracy has never existed in Hong Kong, but the rule of law has and still does.

The British never introduced democracy when they had the chance. There was no fully elected legislature until the last two years before the handover to China in 1997. Even then, two thirds of the seats were not directly elected, but reserved for representatives of certain interest groups. The last word always lay with the British governor and the secretary of state in London.

The colony’s courts were independent. But the legislation that they applied was not democratic. It consisted of ordinances made by the governor, orders in council of the UK government, and certain UK statutes. No one regarded this as inconsistent with the rule of law or the participation of British judges.

The constitution of Hong Kong is the Basic Law, which was negotiated between Britain and China in the 1980s. Politically Britain’s bargaining position was weak. It had to quit by 1997 at the end of the lease. Morally, too, Britain was in a difficult place. It could hardly insist on cast-iron guarantees of a democratic future, given its record on the issue. Britain had to concede some critical points. Universal suffrage was simply declared to be the “ultimate aim”, with no detail. Crucially, China’s National People’s Congress was empowered to amend the Basic Law unilaterally, and its standing committee was empowered to give binding interpretations of the Basic Law. These provisions allowed the last word to China just as, before 1997, it lay with Britain.

Our most important legacy to Hong Kong was not democracy but an impressive legal system. The permanent judiciary of Hong Kong is completely committed to judicial independence and the rule of law.

Successive chief justices have made this clear in public statements. These statements are not just lip service. They represent the convictions of experienced, courageous and independent-minded judges. Their professional lives have been passed in upholding traditions that Hong Kong shares with other common law jurisdictions. They deserve to be supported, not abandoned by their overseas colleagues.

The Chinese and Hong Kong governments have so far done nothing to interfere with the independence of the judiciary. Of course, that is not the only consideration. There are countries where the rule of law applies, but the content of the laws is so repellent that no British judge would want to be involved in applying them. But Hong Kong is nowhere near that situation.

The national security law has split opinion in Hong Kong down the middle. But it contains express guarantees of human rights, including freedom of the press and the right of protest. The panels of judges authorised to hear cases under it have been drawn up on a non-contentious basis in consultation with the chief justice.

Naturally these provisions are worthless unless they are respected. But the best guarantee that they will be respected is an independent judiciary. The least that Britain can do now is to avoid undermining it.

Calls for the withdrawal of British judges have nothing to do with judicial independence or the rule of law. In reality they are demands that British judges should participate in a political boycott designed to put pressure on the Chinese government to change its position on democracy.

It is not a proper function of judges to participate in political boycotts. They will serve the cause of justice better by participating in the work of Hong Kong’s courts.

The two overseas judges who sit on the UK Supreme Court are in a special position. They may feel bound to keep themselves and the UK court out of political controversy. But the rest of us do not have that dilemma. As a Hong Kong judge I serve the people of Hong Kong. I must be guided by their interests, and not by the wishes of UK politicians. I intend to continue on the court.

Source: Jonathan Sumption (a former justice of the Supreme Court)

https://archive.is/ofNnf#selection-2639.0-2639.56

香港的不合作運動被抗疫打敗了,因為抗疫正是講求合作

香港的不合作運動被抗疫打敗了,因為抗疫正是講求合作。高呼「康復香港,時代抗疫」的人當初沒有察覺到這句說話有毒,現在卻在躲避那個後悔的自己。他們以為抗爭和抗疫是可以並行的,有信心分得開兩者,於是便慢慢落入一種難以自覺的自欺當中——我只是做好我的本份

仔細覆讀這句說話,為甚麼做好自己的本份有錯?錯不就是錯在人人沒有做好他的本份嗎?沒錯,這正是構成整個公利社會的基礎,透過每個人盡好他每一分的個人責任,來達至整個群體得益。從小到大教育系統都灌輸我們要盡好公民責任,令每個學生都相信這就是我們的當然本份,但他們沒有告訴你,這個理想之所以成立,前提是必須擱置種種政治上的前設,有一個問題是他們絕對不想你們思考的:到底在獨裁統治底下我應否做好個人責任?

一邊咒罵老豆打母親,一邊履行孝順的責任向這個男人進貢家用,這是說不過去的,常理上大家都清楚,除非他停止家暴,否則給錢便是助紂為虐。不過,放大到社會層面,我們便很容易喪失這種常理,因為人們都以為個人責任跟政權問題是分得開的,我只是盡好我的本份,「以免有位畀到政權入我」。

獨裁政府樂於見到大眾落入這種自欺之中,人人盡好個人責任,可使他們節省不少管治成本。他們最喜歡你這麼想:「如果我努力抗疫,政府就沒有藉口說疫情失控是我的錯了,抗疫不力的責任就全在政府身上。」自欺總是因分割而起的,無論是靈魂的自我分割,抑或對權責的分割,每當你從混合的東西強行分出僅屬自己的部分時,就很容易落入自欺。我們理所當然地覺得責任是整個社會分擔的,但有一種認知偏誤,以為每個人抽走自己的那一份後,剩下的責任剩餘才是屬於政府的,而不知道我們的個人責任便是構成政府權力的一部分,卻被我們自欺地以為可以分開了

移民出走是拒絕對獨裁政府履行個人責任的體現,履行社會契約的人減少是對暴政的合理回應。面對不負責任的獨裁政府,不履行個人責任才可使自己處於對等的位置,這也是不合作運動的背後原理。在辦公室混過的人應該清楚,盡責者往往會淪為被剝削的一方。為保障自己免被剝削,他就要跟大伙兒一同消極對抗。「辭工是不負責任的表現」,老闆當然希望愈多人這麼想愈好,好使他們在不願意請人和管理不善之下,仍有一些人幫他們盡責地勞役自己。一個有責任心的人如何不被責任所勞役,是他畢生最艱難的功課。

續文:https://www.patreon.com/posts/48894009

Source: 作者

https://www.facebook.com/972393926144079/posts/4055965041120270/

Wednesday, March 17, 2021

黃絲帶都是唐牛

黃絲帶都是唐牛。明明自己有份作惡,當事情去到彌天大禍時就走出來推卸責任,不關自己事。去年2月是香港人主動指新冠狀病毒是瘟疫,是香港人主動影人大頭公審無口罩,自以為抗疫先鋒。

2019年黃絲就說政府係孔不入,政府會用盡方法剝奪自由。2020年政府明顯就是用假瘟疫政治清算香港人,偏偏香港人卻主動配個政府之外,更協助政府打壓反對者。

口罩是你們強迫人要戴的,抗疫是你們叫的,反問人做少一兩日生意係咪會死都是你們問的,不要推卸責任。


Source: 理大爆料-貳

https://www.facebook.com/103052588175907/posts/229372265543938

Monday, March 15, 2021

布林肯稱台灣是「國家」, 美中會面之前施下馬威,要中國跪低!(謄抄)

中美終於見面!拜登自上台以來,只是新年前與中方通過一次電話,現在兩國外交人員終於有機會見面,將在2021年3月18日,在美國阿拉斯加州的城市安克拉治(Anchorage)會談。這個地方有點奇怪,我待會解釋。這地方相當寒冷,但大家別以為在寒冷地區開會,就象徵雙方關係破冰,事實絕非如此。

美國白宮發言人指,美國將會在這次會議近乎攤牌,跟中國清楚表明中美之間的分歧,分歧包括貿易衝突、新疆人權問題、香港社運活躍人士被控告、南海的中國軍國主義、新冠病毒的起源問題。這些全是以往特朗普不大想提及的問題,但現在把貿易衝突、軍事衝突、新疆人權和香港人權問題一併拿出來談。今次是共和黨的務實外交民主黨的人權外交並施,但不會再走以往克林頓時期或奧巴馬時期的那種人權外交方式(即是中國讓一讓人權、美國讓一讓貿易),老調無可重彈,現在是所有問題一併丟出來,看看中國如何接招。

這局面是困難的,因為會面之前,美國出了兩大難題給中國。

昨天(美國時間3月12日,香港時間3月13日星期六早上)拜登總統召開了四方會談。正如我在上一段《時事短評》所講,四方會談(即是美國、日本、澳洲和印度的會談)是為了趕絕中國的高科技企業,而且要在產業鏈「去中國化」,這是第一招。

但在此之前,還有另一道陰招︰3月10日,美國國務卿布林肯做了一件令中國相當難堪的事。這件難堪的事沒有太多外電報道,由俄羅斯傳媒Sputnik報道,相當古怪,意味著俄國想提示中國,不要把這條新聞看漏眼。布林肯所做的,就是在公開的議會場合、咨詢場合說了「台灣是國家」。如前所述,美國明言,在3月18日的中美外交會談,將要談及很多貿易衝突、人權、南海的軍事等問題,而中方也提出了一些先決條件,先決條件就是美國不能觸碰中國的主權問題,包括在新疆、西藏、香港和台灣的主權問題,但布林肯偏偏撥弄老虎鬚(北方話是「摸老虎屁股」,南方話是「太歲頭上動土」、「老虎頭上釘蝨乸」)︰中方在談判未開始前,表明不要談台灣主權問題、香港問題之類,但布林肯卻掏出最重要的難題來談,說台灣是國家。

這種做法我並不同意,但布林肯的確如是說,這等如未談判先反桌。這就是拜登總統的談判風格。特朗普在談判前說「nice friend,老朋友」,在談判期間說「可否讓我們美國公司進入中國公平地做生意」,有商有量,之前還拍馬屁(阿諛奉承);不過拜登陣營卻不是如此玩法,跟特朗普的談判風格可說是南轅北轍,完全不同。

據報道,3月18日在阿拉斯加這個現時還很寒冷的地方所舉行中美會談,是拜登上任以來,首次正式與中國以外交代表團的方式見面。美方代表是美國國務卿布林肯白宮國家安全顧問蘇利文,即是一名外交、一名國防;中方代表是兩名中國資深外交官,一位是中央政治局委員暨中央外事工作委員會辦公室主任楊潔篪,另一位是中國外交部長王毅,兩位都鼎鼎大名。北京當局稱今次會談為「戰略對話」,就是「會談後大家有話好說,關係可以和平」之類的意味;但布林肯並不如是說,稱這次並非「戰略對話」,而且強調中國必須在美國關切的議題上拿出實質進展和具體成果,雙方才會有後續接觸,也就是說,如果這次在阿拉斯加Anchorage市舉行的外交會議,雙方談不攏或者或者中方無甚讓步的話,以後不用談了。這是拜登根本不想跟中國談的一款姿態。情況相當難堪。

學者對此有甚麼意見?中國海洋大學海洋發展研究院院長、國際關係專家龐中英表示,美方反駁中方,稱這次並非「戰略對話」,是在暗示,即使北京希望大家有話好說,返回「戰略對話」,正如以前奧巴馬時期那樣,但拜登總統團隊的看法,是美中關係不會回到以往比較親華的布殊總統和奧巴馬總統時代「戰略對話」已是昨日事。龐中英這位學者還說,拜登上任僅50天就令雙方接觸相當困難,而美國邀請中國官員到阿拉斯加會談,希望是展現善意。

另一方面,「四方安全對話」(Quad,四方全談)進行後,北京稱那是挑釁和脅迫中國的行為,南韓亦隨之想要加入會談,於是布林肯和美國國防部長奧斯汀將會一起訪問日本和韓國,希望安撫韓國,當然亦會要求韓國不要供應高科技晶片和產品給中國。龐中英認為,這段時間發生這些巧合,一連串的外交事件令中國相當為難,亦會對中國猶如布下天羅地網,四面圍堵,四方會談外,還加上南韓的圍堵,於高科技層面封鎖中國。儘管美中在某些方面都會合作,譬如氣候會議(要中國不要燒太多炭)之類,但整體上還是要圍堵。

話說回來,美國國務卿布林肯,在什麼環境、什麼場合之下,以什麼語言、什麼語辭稱呼台灣為國家呢?本月10日,他出席美國眾議院(House of Representatives)外交委員會聽證會這個公開會議,講述拜登總統的外交政策。在這個場合下,他稱呼台灣為「國家」(country),打破了美國官員過往一向尊重「一個中國」的政策,以往一向自我設限、免生麻煩,充其量稱台灣為「democracy(民主政體)」而已。布林肯當時正在回應一位來自加州的共和黨眾議員Young Kim的詢問,Kim問布林肯,美國會否承諾推動台灣國際化,讓台灣參與世界衛生組織,並邀請台灣出席美國總統拜登主辦的民主高峰會(Democracy Summit)。布林肯一口答應說「yes」,而且還故意多嘴講出原因,英文原文是這樣的︰「I share your view that Taiwan is a strong democracy, a very strong technological power, and a country that can contribute to the world, not just to its own people.  COVID is a very good example of that.」他讚揚台灣是強健的民主政體,以democracy來形容台灣,上一任國務卿龐貝奧以往亦如是說,說台灣是科技重鎮,這是事實,但他說台灣是「能為世界作出貢獻的國家(country)」,說得很明白。

我在這《時事短評》系列一直對各位說,經特朗普四年來的努力,「美國遏制中國」、「防範中國超越美國」已經成為共和黨和民主黨的兩黨共識。在特朗普總統快要卸任的時候,龐貝奧做了點厲害的事,在今年1月9日發表了一份聲明,宣布美國國務院(主持外交配合內政的單位)將會取消一些內部指引,不再因為要尊重中國的「一個中國」政策而限制台灣與美國往來。當日龐貝奧說了這番話後,美國一名知名對沖基金大亨巴斯(Kyle Bass),對龐貝奧的說法大加讚賞,說此舉擊中了中國的「阿基里斯腱」(Achilles' heel),即中國人所說的死穴。當然,龐貝奧這番話,定必會令中國懼怕,之後會侵犯台灣或作勢要收回台灣,而華爾街大鱷相當期望中國會對台動武或引發一點衝突,亦希望香港會被進一步制裁。當時巴斯在推特上表示,這是台美關係的重大突破,龐貝奧取消了美國與台灣互相交往的所有限制,便真的切斷中國的阿基里斯腱,亦即刺中中國的死穴。他還呼籲要制裁匯豐銀行,因為匯豐銀行違反了2014年與美國司法部的和解協議,而且最近凍結了一位流亡海外的香港立法會民主派議員許智峯的帳戶。由這些跡象可見,華爾街大鱷開始希望中國走入台灣的衝突,亦希望中國進一步在香港施壓,令美國有機會進一步制裁,這樣就可以從中美衝突中取利。看這些事情,大家要聰明點,要看到那個趨勢。

談回會談地點,中美雙方為什麼會在恢復關係的時候,選擇阿拉斯加Anchorage這個地方?難不成喜歡那邊夠寒冷?官方的說法是阿拉斯加接近中國(其實是接近前蘇聯的西伯利亞),美國到阿拉斯加很近,中國的飛機到阿拉斯加也很近,這地點對中美雙方都相當便利。事實當然不是這樣!事實是,美國安排在一個外省(一個隔著加拿大、隔著一個國家的外州)去接見中國,是一種冷淡的表示。另外,美國其實是在阿拉斯加準備進行一些北極戰爭的,即是極地戰爭,準備直接從那邊攻擊中國,所以選擇在阿拉斯加和中國會面,實際上是一個極大的侮辱!

Source: 陳雲

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kKwLKHdM1WI

https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10158968011607225

Thursday, March 11, 2021

Is “no jab, no job” lawful? Can employers compel staff to be vaccinated at work? Your questions answered

This is a question which has been hotly debated in the media and, so far, everyone has struggled to give a clear answer!  Here is our attempt to shed some light on “no jab, no job” and related areas of concern which employers may face in the coming weeks. 

This is likely to remain a contentious issue for a while to come, particularly because it is not known how long protection remains following the first vaccination (whether due to diminishing antibodies or the emergence of new variants), which means the UK government plans to launch a revaccination campaign from autumn or winter 2021.


1. Must we require employees to have the vaccine?


Since the start of the pandemic the media and legal commentators have highlighted the potential for lawsuits brought by employees and customers of a business which fails to protect them against contracting the virus.  Could a firm be criticised and be legally liable for not having done enough to protect those on site by requiring employees who can get the vaccine to do so?

Under the Health and Safety Work etc Act 1974 employers have a duty to ensure, so far as is reasonably practicable, the health, safety, and welfare of all their employees when at work.  Those operating a customer-facing business will also owe duties to customers and others attending their premises, such as a shop.  In the context of Covid-19, discharging these duties requires measures such as social distancing, cleaning and potentially face coverings.  

An argument could be made that these duties might go so far (in some settings) as to mean an employer is required to mandate vaccines for those working on site.  This is particularly the case if the work involves exposure to the vulnerable such as care homes.

However, we consider it unlikely at present that the health and safety duties on an employer would oblige it to make employee vaccines mandatory for staff.  The UK government does not plan to make the vaccine mandatory and this is not a requirement that is imposed by the NHS on frontline workers.  It would follow that employers in other less risky settings should not be held to a higher standard

This is, nonetheless, an evolving area of law and the position may change in future. 


2. Can we require existing employees to have the vaccine?


The question of whether employers can require employees to have a vaccine (as opposed to being compelled by health and safety law to do so) is more complex. 

ACAS, who are always a reliable bellwether of best employment practice, has released guidance stating that employers should support employees in being vaccinated but that “employers cannot force employees to be vaccinated”.  Whilst that is true in terms of the physical act of being vaccinated, which of course cannot be lawfully compelled as an invasive medical procedure, it may be different where employers impose a requirement to be vaccinated as a condition of attending the workplace.   


Reasonable and lawful instructions

Employers have a right to issue reasonable and lawful instructions to their employees, which the employees are required to follow.  Could it be said that an instruction “you must take the Covid-19 vaccine as soon as it is available to you” is reasonable and lawful?

  • It will undoubtedly have a reasonable aim of seeking to ensure a Covid-free workplace.  However, whether the means are reasonable and justify the aim is a more difficult question.  Most obviously, this will only be practicable once the vaccine is more widely available.  Once that point is reached, there may be a case for saying it would be reasonable to instruct employees working in care homes or hospitals with exposure to vulnerable adults (such as the older population who are more at risk of the virus) to get the vaccine.  There is an argument that these jobs cannot be carried out safely without the significant reduction in transmissibility which the vaccine seems to cause.  On the other hand, it is less likely to be reasonable for those who work without close contact to others or office-based workers working in the City who may not interact with the vulnerable from day to day.  Professor Chris Whitty, the UK’s Chief Medical Officer, has said that he considers there for may be a “professional responsibility” on health care professionals to be vaccinated.
  • Whether the instruction is “lawful” is a different question.  Nadhim Zahawi, the UK’s vaccines minister, has been clear that the UK proceeds on the basis of consent and for that reason was sceptical about vaccine passports.  Additionally, Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (which does not directly bind private employers but would be taken into account by a UK court or tribunal in a legal claim brought against them) confers a human right to a private and family life which may – despite exceptions for public health measures – be relevant as an argument against issuing instructions.  Additionally, the UNESCO Universal Declaration on Bioethics and Human Rights requires “free and informed” consent to any medical intervention.  Whilst employers are not bound to follow this declaration, it would no doubt be persuasive authority when a court or tribunal is considering the overall fairness or proportionality of a compulsory jab policy. 

On the other hand, there is a precedent for requiring vaccinations: doctors are required to have hepatitis-B vaccines in order to protect patients.  Additionally, employees have their own statutory duty under the Health and Safety at Work etc Act 1974 to take reasonable care for the health and safety of employees and others who may be affected by their acts or omissions at work, and to co-operate with their employers to help comply with the organisation’s health and safety obligations.  However, our view is that this requirement is too far outside of the scope of the right to issue instructions to existing employees – absent an express requirement in professional rules or the employment contract – in most cases.

We expect that government guidance will eventually be issued on this topic, but our view is that in the meantime employers should take an approach based on encouragement and should provide employees with enough information to make an informed decision.  This will require carefully considered policies and procedures and clear internal communication strategies.  Any argument that it is a reasonable and lawful instruction to require an employee to take the vaccine is at present unlikely to succeed given that it is not a requirement which is imposed on frontline healthcare workers.

If employers wish to mandate the vaccine, a very strong justification would be required where other safety measures alone are not sufficient. 


Amending the employment contract

If the right to issue instructions to employees is not sufficiently broad to allow compulsory vaccinations (and our view is that it will not be in the vast majority of settings) then employers can consider amending the employment contract to introduce an express condition of the contract which requires vaccines to be obtained.  

This is an area which is fraught with difficulty. An employee who is unwilling to take a vaccine is equally going to be unwilling to agree to changes to his or her contract requiring him or her to take the vaccine. An employer can seek to impose a change against the wishes of the employees. However, seeking to do this, and arguing that the employees continuing in employment amounts to accepting the new terms, is unlikely to be successful.   

Our view is that dismissing an employee for refusing to agree to this contractual change is likely to be an unfair dismissal as the law now stands.

Additionally, including an express term in the employment contract does not clear other hurdles which employers will face in implementing a “no jab, no job” policy, in particular issues around discrimination and data protection issues arising from attempts to gather evidence of compliance with the policy.  These are discussed below.


3. What about new employees?


The question of whether an instruction to an employee is reasonable and lawful does not arise if you have an express term of the employment contract which requires employees to carry out the act in question.   

It is possible that an employment contract for a new employee could contain a provision requiring the employee to have had a vaccine and, going forward, to ensure that they take booster vaccines when they are offered.  The UK government has been more receptive to this approach.

If this is lawful and effective, it is possible for the same to be required of existing employees, so long as the employment contract is validly amended to include an explicit term requiring vaccination. However, as discussed above, securing employee consent to the change will be difficult, and we currently think this cannot be imposed. 


4. Can we require a vaccination as a condition of returning to the office?


As a purely practical matter, employers will in many cases be able to restrict the ability of employees to access their place of work.  For those who have been working from home for the past year, employers might consider making a vaccine a condition of returning to the office.  However, this approach is open to legal claims in the absence of a clear justification.  Many pre-Covid employment contracts specify the office as the place of work which raises the prospect of employees demanding to be let in as a contractual entitlement.

If employers do feel it is necessary to require employees to have the vaccine before returning to the office, we recommend carrying out a risk assessment to demonstrate how the vaccine would mitigate the risk of Covid-19 in the workplace and review any plausible and reasonable alternatives.    

The risk assessment should also look at the different vaccines being rolled out in the UK and consider how these work in practice.   Although initial studies are promising, the extent to which the vaccine stops the vaccinated from transmitting the virus to others is still unclear.  We know it suppresses symptoms in the carrier but it does not necessarily prevent transmission entirely.  Moreover, none of the vaccines are thought to be 100% effective.   As the UK government has made clear, the vaccine should be considered as part of an overall approach to minimising risk rather than eliminating the virus entirely. Therefore, protocols dealing with infection prevention would continue to include other control measures, such as maintaining social distancing, wearing face coverings and washing hands regularly as appropriate, having regard to government guidance in force at the time.


5. Can employers discipline employees for failure to take the vaccine?


Failure to follow an employer’s reasonable and lawful instruction can be grounds for disciplinary action and potentially fair dismissal.  However, this will not be fair if there is no right to issue such an instruction (which is most probably the case, as discussed above).  Employers will be on much firmer legal ground if the requirement to have a vaccine is a term of the employment contract (as discussed above) or a professional requirement for the employee. 

Even then, however, employees may well have good reasons for not wanting the vaccine.   In our view, introducing disciplinary measures against employees who do not wish to take the vaccine is a high-risk approach which could leave employers open to breach of contract, constructive dismissal, and discrimination claims


6. Is it unlawful discrimination to introduce a compulsory vaccine policy?


Whilst uptake of the vaccine amongst the population as a whole has – so far – been high, and perhaps higher than expected, recent surveys have suggested that a significant proportion of the public have expressed reluctance to get the vaccine, though the reasons for this attitude vary.

Some employees may have health issues which prevent them from taking the vaccine, and will therefore have potential claims for discrimination (e.g. on the basis of pregnancy or disability) if they are disadvantaged by “no jab, no job” measures. 

Some employees may have specific reasons for not wanting the vaccine and this could leave employers at risk of claims of discrimination if they mandate the vaccine.  For example, if employees are barred from returning to the office unless they have been vaccinated, this could mean certain groups of employees are at a disadvantage to their peers in the office.  In particular:

  • the vaccine is being rolled out to the older population first which means that young people will not be able to get the vaccine until later this year
  • under UK government guidance, pregnant women are advised that, because the vaccines have not yet been tested in pregnancy, they should not routinely have the vaccine until more information is available
  • some employees may have medical reasons for not getting the vaccine, for example if they have severe allergies to certain ingredients. Such medical conditions could constitute a disability 
  • some employees may hold religious and philosophical beliefs which justify their refusal to get the vaccine. For example, gelatine is often used in mass-produced vaccines which may mean that certain religious groups and vegan and vegetarian employees are unwilling to have it
  • for a number of reasons, it appears that the willingness to take the vaccine amongst different age and ethnic groups has varied significantly and – though the “ethnicity vaccine gap” has narrowed slightly in recent weeks – there remains a large disparity across different ages and ethnicities in vaccine hesitancy.  A recent ONS report has revealed survey data showing that 44% of Black or Black British adults surveyed reported vaccine hesitancy (compared to 8% of White adults), whilst adults aged from 16 to 29 years reported hesitancy at a rate of 16% (compared to 1% of those in their 70s).  This raises the prospect of a potential indirect discrimination claim by employees on the grounds of race, age or potentially religion, which means that the policy – although apparently neutral – needs to be justified as a “proportionate means of achieving a legitimate aim”.  Based on Supreme Court case law, the reason why there is a significant disparity in the uptake of the vaccine is irrelevant – the statistics evidencing the vaccine gap is sufficient.


7. Are there any other risks or difficulties with mandating the vaccine?


Mandating the vaccine could lead to health and safety risks as some employees may have an adverse reaction to a vaccine and therefore a potential legal claim.  This might be the case, for example, if an employer’s compulsory vaccines policy did not make it clear that official medical guidance takes precedence and that those who have official advice not to take the vaccine are exempt from the requirement.       

Equally, if employers require evidence that their employees have had the vaccine, this will come with very significant data protection risks.  For this reason, it is likely (in the absence of an official government-backed passport scheme) that many employers who require compulsory vaccinations would not seek medical evidence from employees and simply take it on trust.   Employers wishing to obtain vaccination evidence should carry out a data impact assessment which considers where the data will be held, the security measures in place and who has access to the data.


8. What should we do if we want to implement vaccination as a condition of returning to the office?


We recommend any employers seeking to implement a policy based on vaccinations take the following steps:

  • be clear on the justification of the policy and whether it is needed: the overwhelming majority of Covid fatalities are amongst the old and those with underlying health conditions – if your staff or customers on your premises do not contain many individuals within the most vulnerable categories then the level of risk may not be such as to justify a compulsory vaccine requirement
  • monitor the evidence emerging from real-world studies: the effect of the jab on transmissibility would be highly relevant to whether a compulsory jab policy is justified.  If it does not strongly ensure that vaccinated staff are less able to transmit the virus, but merely suppresses symptoms, then the overall benefit to restricting access to only the vaccinated is less
  • monitor government guidance, including what is happening with care home and frontline staff and whether any vaccine passport scheme will be introduced
  • carry out a risk assessment and consider whether the costs may outweigh the likely benefits
  • consult with employees, including by sharing the draft policy and the risk assessment, and listen carefully to any concerns, whether these relate to the general scheme or particular concerns raised about their individual circumstances
  • consider why other measures – such as frequent testing or social distancing – are not sufficient in your particular circumstances
  • seek professional advice on the scientific, legal, and practical issues where necessary, and always in good time before implementation.   

Contact us

If you have any questions about these issues in relation to your own organisation, please contact a member of the team or speak with your usual Fox Williams contact.


Source: Fox Williams LLP

https://www.foxwilliams.com/2021/03/11/is-no-jab-no-job-lawful-can-employers-compel-staff-to-be-vaccinated-at-work-your-questions-answered/

https://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=f800d3a1-66f9-456b-a888-d42d9752d331

Sunday, March 07, 2021

Five Signs of a Highly Intelligent Person


Editorial Rights purchased from Pinkeyes via iStock Photos

There are significant reasons to size up a person’s mental acuity. For example, if you are taking advice, interviewing, or communicating, it helps to know what you are working with. Many of the best managers are excellent at reading their audience.

If you are looking for a one-shot way to determine brilliance, stop reading now. If you are looking for exceptions to the following points, you’ll be able to find them. The following are correlative, not causal. This is an exercise in nuance. Because within nuance, you find most answers.

They Practice Intellectual Humility

I worked in finance and mostly hated it. However, one of the few perks was the people. The industry attracts and needs intelligent people. Consequently, hiring successful candidates mandated we get a quick read on them. Interviewing is tricky because everyone is putting their best foot forward and trying to sound smart, as perhaps they should.

A manager taught us a trick: ask a question the candidate won’t know the answer to. Then, observe how they act. A very good sign was when they could simply admit they didn’t know, rather than fake it and force-feed an answer.

This admission is a sign of intellectual humility, which is correlated to better decision-making. This is particularly useful in an industry plagued by arrogance. Intellectually humble people challenge their conclusions based on evidence and feedback from others. As a simplistic example, you’ll see this when people say, “From what I’ve seen, it could be true.” Rather than, “It’s definitely true.” They frame their observations as open to critique. They prize truth over ego.

Obvious Signs are Often a Valid Data Point

For example, people who refuse to social distance tend to be less intelligent. People who read in their free time skew smarter than those who don’t. Things that smart people tend to do, tend to be done by smarter people.

Many years ago, I was working retail at a used sports equipment store. A 10-year-old kid came in to buy a baseball helmet. I gave him the price. He held the helmet up, looked it over, then looked back at me, “Can you knock a few bucks off? I mean, look at these dents.” He pointed at the dents. I smiled and gave him a discount.

When he left, I thought, “That kid is going to do just fine.” Being crafty, demonstrating street smarts, and quick thinking is correlated to intelligence. In fact, Yale scientists found that street smarts are just as important for employees as their academic smarts. More plainly, you can be a mediocre student, with great street smarts, and go on to be very successful.

They are Meta, Literally

There is a newly popular phrase, “That is so meta.” Meta means something is self-referential. For example, a Medium article that is about Medium articles is meta. A video game where you play a character playing a video game is meta. The Onion famously did this with “World of World of Warcraft.”

Related to this, intelligent people often demonstrate metacognition. They talk about and analyze their own thought process. They are objective and critique their nature. They know when and how they perform best. A simple example of meta behavior is when someone says, “I need to put this on my calendar or I won’t hold myself accountable.” Unsurprisingly, people with high metacognition are often great students and employees. They leverage their self-awareness to their advantage.

They Know what Killed the Cat

Intelligent people tend to be curious. They have an itch to know more, to drill down on details, just for the sake of knowing. After all, that’s how we learn, right?

Curiosity is an indicator of intelligence in other animals too. For example, there was a study involving three language-trained chimps. Their job was to use a keyboard to name what food was in an unreachable container. The prize was, you guessed it, food. When the test food was visible, they just hit the correct button and got the food. When the food was hidden amongst various containers, the smarter chimps inspected and tried to peek inside the containers before giving their answers. They knew the odds of winning were higher if they learned more.

This chimp study is a basic example but reveals the power of information seeking (curiosity). And don’t forget, we share 98.8% of our DNA with chimps. The smartest chimps are measured by their ability to patiently learn and troubleshoot problems. Sound familiar?

The Strongest Indicator of Intelligence

My dad was an engineering major at the Naval Academy decades ago. He doesn’t brag very often about other men. It takes a lot to impress him. But one of his roommates, Charlie was a special classmate.

They were both in an industrial engineering class. It was the hardest class he’d ever taken. Dad said they’d come back to the room. He’d study for hours while Charlie only studied 20 minutes and then fiddled with his guitar. That roommate still got better grades than my dad, who is fairly bright, and it ticked him off to no end. That roommate went on to become a college professor.

At the pulsing core of intelligence is the ability to simplify complex problems and solve them, as Charlie did. Often, that skill is genetic. The people themselves don’t know how they do it. You can develop the skill as well. A physics professor once told me that, “A big problem is just a bunch of small problems combined. Learn to separate them out.” It’s all a matter of approach.

Conclusion and Takeaway

Society has placed a massive priority on intelligence. We often feel pressure to be smart and value those who are. Never forget the value of kindness and respect. Each person has their own combination of skills and gifts and should be respected as such.

Remember, outside of a psychologist-provided test, there’s no real way to gauge intelligence in one data-point. But if they do these five things, there is a very good chance they are quite smart.

1. They demonstrate a curiosity to learn more information.

2. They can openly admit when they don’t know something. They know and operate within their limits.

3. They can break down complex problems and cut straight to a solution.

4. They have an acute awareness of their own thought process. They critique and understand it. They use that knowledge to their advantage.

5. They display obvious signs of intelligence. They think quickly on their feet and have situational awareness. They wear a mask during a pandemic.

Source: Sean Kernan

https://medium.com/mind-cafe/five-signs-of-a-highly-intelligent-person-915cfe16bd1a

為何要皮內注射

藥物必須在適當的給藥途徑(route of administration),才能達到其預期功效,或控制其副作用。

復必泰疫苗的正確給藥途徑是肌肉注射intramuscular injection),一般會注射到肩上的三角肌(deltoid)。而袁國勇則故意自行改為皮內注射intradermal injection)。

究竟兩者對復必泰疫苗的藥效和副作用有何影響?

從維基百科就可知道皮內注射比肌肉注射會減慢藥物釋放,大家以為袁國勇是要減慢疫苗循環至全身。實情更複雜。因為復必泰疫苗是新應用的 mRNA 疫苗,mRNA 載於脂質體(liposome),能把mRNA 帶到細胞內,稱為轉染(transfection)。被轉染的細胞會根據該mRNA製造出病毒蛋白,就能引起免疫反應。而脂質體的體質較一般藥物大,起碼有 25 納米,多數超過 100 納米(葡萄糖只有 0.9 納米)。而我們的微血管,一般只容許少於5至12納米的東西穿過。所以,復必泰疫苗的有效成分很難透過微血管進入血液,進入了淋巴系統也會在淋巴核處理掉。因此,那些mRNA主要是進入肌肉組織的細胞。這也解釋到為何注射復必泰後,注射位置的發炎反應強烈,正是因為那些細胞表達了病毒蛋白。

而皮膚內的細胞與肌肉內的細胞不同,脂質體的效能也有不同。肌肉算是容易轉染的組織,而皮膚則較難(除非用上特殊電流)。雖然沒有復必泰的實際數據,但也可以推測皮內注射會減少轉染,降低疫苗效能。

此外,皮膚常會受損而接觸外物,所以有極多樹突細胞(dendritic cell),協助建立免疫力而避免過敏反應。而皮内注射,早已試過用於醫治敏感估計皮內注射復必泰,能夠減少不良免疫反應的機會

所以,我推測,皮內注射復必泰會削減其功能,也會降低其副作用。袁國勇有政治任務在身,必須接種復必泰。但他知道其風險,身體果然很誠實,就改變注射方法避險

我建議,大家可以效法袁國勇要求皮內注射。又或者更進一步,要求變成口服。皆大歡喜啊。

參考資料︰

https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/11237682/

https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/20701757/

https://nanoscalereslett.springeropen.com/articles/10.1186/1556-276X-8-102

https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2631522/

https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/regulatory-approval-of-pfizer-biontech-vaccine-for-covid-19/information-for-healthcare-professionals-on-pfizerbiontech-covid-19-vaccine

https://www.facebook.com/RTHKVNEWS/posts/4338180752956614

Source: 敗傲籮即高 嘥仁時 (Bio Sciences)

https://www.facebook.com/pseudobiologist/posts/1149827908799976

Thursday, March 04, 2021

大義無親

大義無親。在防疫的爭議,我創造了一個中文詞語:大義無親。

這比大義滅親更為理性,更能長你的智慧和慈悲心。天道無親,大義也是無親

故此,若是你的家人不聽勸告去打防疫針,請準備披麻戴孝,計算一些辦理喪事的價錢,也請他們做好遺囑,起碼在親族見證之下吩咐死後財產的分配,不要在死後鬧出家庭醜聞。此乃大孝。

(醫學事實:試驗不成熟和毫無必要的弱流感新冠病毒的疫苗,會致命、致殘而且有潛伏到晚年和後代的後遺症。)

(按:大義滅親是春秋時代的故事,是在貴族集團裡面用的。衛國大夫石碏派僕人將自己協助弒君的兒子石厚誘騙到陳國殺掉,是為了保存宗族的名聲,不是為了大義。石碏沒有阻止他兒子的弒君計謀,是要被誅殺才對的。)

Source: 陳雲

https://www.facebook.com/589657224/posts/10158942983162225/

Wednesday, March 03, 2021

愛國者治港:香港民主的新生


香港回歸以來,政改在本地等同於普選,這也是「民主回歸論」的內核。普選民主構成一條單調的抗爭性線索。這一線索拒絕理解「一國」,拒絕國家安全與國民教育,將民主武器化,作為對抗國家體制甚至援助西方反華戰略的一種技術手段。從非法佔中到反修例,民主的武器化用到了極致,向中央充分展現了香港民主與國家安全的對立性質及衝突強度。一種「不愛國的民主」正在香港以狂飈突進的方式侵蝕「一國兩制」底線和制度安全。這超出了「一國兩制」的初心範疇和制度極限,構成顛覆性政治風險。

中央的回應策略是檢討香港自治權的局限性及自身的憲制性責任,以國家安全和選舉安全為突破口,對「一國兩制」制度體系進行結構性更新。2021年1月27日,習近平總書記在聽取香港特首工作匯報時明確提出「愛國者治港」是「一國兩制」行穩致遠的根本原則。這一論斷對「一國兩制」制度體系建設具有直接和權威的指導意義。2021年2月22日,港澳辦主任夏寶龍在愛國者治港專題研討會上的講話,從這一根本原則論斷出發,釋放的正是中央對「不愛國的民主」的批判與管控信號。夏主任提到,各國民主皆以愛國為榮,唯獨香港民主以不愛國為炫耀資本,稱之為「咄咄怪事」。

愛國者的鄧小平標準

愛國主義(Patriotism)是人類政治思想和政治秩序的基礎性原則。在美國,愛國主義滲透於從入籍宣誓、公民教育、任職聽證到社會文化的方方面面。美國的個人自由是在「星條旗永不落」的愛國認同條件下的權利享有和保障。英美議員更是以愛國為前提,否則資格不保。

「一國兩制」下的愛國主義與愛國者倫理不可能構成例外。愛國者治港不是新生事物,而是在「一國兩制」奠基時刻即灌注其內的憲制原則,是香港憲制秩序的構成性原理。鄧小平先生在1980年代多次論述「愛國者治港」,澄清了港人治港的界限和標準。港人治港表述的是高度自治原理,但這一原理不是孤立和無前提的,而是嚴格限定在「一國兩制」框架內。

關於愛國者的具體標準,鄧小平先生根據當時的理解和要求確定為「尊重自己的民族,誠心誠意擁護祖國恢復行使對香港的主權,不損害香港的繁榮穩定」,此即所謂的「愛國三標準」,其邏輯層次為:其一,國家認同,確立作為民族一分子的中國人政治底線與倫理;其二,制度認同,確立對國家主權及其體制的承認與愛護;其三,愛港認同,即愛護香港利益。這是「一國兩制」下的愛國者標準,以「一國」的認同為前提,兼顧對香港利益的認同,是符合國家前提與香港實際的一種可操作標準。

拆解論與整合論

夏寶龍主任在論述愛國者客觀標準時正確重述並肯定了鄧小平的「愛國三標準」,並結合新時代「一國兩制」的制度體系、法理理解與治理實際進行了內涵更新。新的標準仍然是3個層次,是鄧小平標準因應時代發展的邏輯豐富和深化展開:其一,愛國者必然真心維護國家主權、安全、發展利益;其二,愛國者必然尊重和維護國家的根本制度和特別行政區的憲制秩序;其三,愛國者必然全力維護香港的繁榮穩定。

這裏有頗多新意值得思考:其一,國家層面,「國家主權、安全、發展利益」已經穩定地成為「一國兩制」之「一國」的法理內涵與利益構成,與此相悖就是不愛國;其二,制度層面,愛國是具體明確的,就是愛中華人民共和國,在《憲法》上具體化為中國共產黨領導的社會主義中國,因此愛國與尊重黨的領導是一體的,而不是對立的,更不是割裂的,2018年修憲在憲法總綱第1條國體條款中尤其突顯了這一點;其三,香港層面,破壞香港利益就是不愛國,因「一國兩制」下香港利益也是國家利益的組成部分。

由此,愛國有了更清晰的具體內涵和指向。愛國包含對黨的領導的尊重,因為黨的領導是國體的核心要素,是具體國家的規範構成。但這並不等於要求愛黨,因愛黨是黨員義務,香港人作為中國公民承擔的是愛國義務,對共產黨是尊重而不是強制熱愛。香港社會既往習慣於追隨西方拆解中國體制的完整性,將黨、國家、政府、人民對立和分離開來,其思想根源是西方的歷史終結論和顏色革命動員理論。層層拆解的結果就是從觀念和制度上瓦解黨的領導的合法性及中央對香港的全面管治權。正是在這樣的拆解論邏輯下,香港23條立法和國民教育這樣的國家性義務無法制度化,而佔中與反修例張揚的卻是一種以民主為武器的、反國家的制度戰爭,其最終結果是「一國兩制」的底線面臨洞穿風險。

夏寶龍主任提出的愛國者新內涵與新標準,是對鄧小平標準的正確運用與時代發展,就是立足於「一國兩制」的完整性而賦予愛國者以清晰可辨的道德內涵和制度邊界。因此,愛國者客觀標準是一種法理和制度上的「整合論」,是對黨、國家、政府、人民這些關鍵性法權要素的整合性理解,由此奠定與「一國兩制」相適應的愛國者人格及政治理論範式。通過豐富發展鄧小平標準,以整合論超越拆解論,國家在香港社會的形象、權威、權力與保護性功能將前所未有地有血有肉,可感可親,愛國也就有了具體的對象和訴求。

憲法時刻與雙向挑戰

以愛國者治港重構香港選舉制度及管治體系,意義深遠。從憲法理論上看,2020年的香港《國安法》與2021年以愛國者治港為主軸的新選舉法,構成了「一國兩制」與基本法秩序的一個「憲法時刻」(constitutional moment)。這是美國憲法學家布魯斯.阿克曼(Bruce Ackerman)的憲法理論概念,用以解釋美國憲法史上的建國時刻、內戰時刻、新政時刻、民權革命時刻的憲法創制與變遷。而此次中央在國家安全與選舉安全領域的制度重構,行使的正是憲法賦予的「一國兩制」制度創制權,因而不是既往的小修小補,而是結構性、系統性的制度變革,是對「一國兩制」與基本法秩序的豐富發展。

如何適應這一憲法時刻,對香港建制派和非建制派都是重要考驗。就建制派而言,愛國者治港不是僅僅提供了更多席位和職位,而是提出了服務香港與國家的更高能力要求,尤其是對領導崗位提出了「堅定的愛國者」的升級要求。這種要求是面向市民檢驗和問責的,也就是服務不好市民就必須下台。新制度是一種更嚴格的問責機制。中央決心打造的不是橡皮圖章或忠誠的廢物,而是賢能的愛國者。對非建制派而言,是機遇和挑戰同在:機遇者,可理直氣壯與激進派切割,回歸忠誠反對派理性範疇,反而政治天地開闊,溫和泛民與中間派有望站穩腳跟;挑戰者,在外部干預失效及新制度嚴格要求下,如何努力成為愛國者並時刻保持底線忠誠,做建設性的民主派,一切才剛剛開始。

從愛國者治港的根本原則出發,中央選擇重構香港選舉制度,從公權力產生源頭上堵住「反中亂港」勢力進入權力架構的通道,並對在任者進行宣誓、監督和懲戒的全程管理。規範清,風氣正,參政者皆以愛國有為作正面競爭的法則,不以「攬炒」、「黑暴」、「港獨」為加官晉爵甚至炫耀國際的資本。這是香港民主的新生,人人需得適應才可繼續其政治生命與利益。

Source: 田飛龍(北京航空航天大學法學院副教授、全國港澳研究會理事)

https://news.mingpao.com/ins/%E6%96%87%E6%91%98/article/20210303/s00022/1614528449160/%E6%84%9B%E5%9C%8B%E8%80%85%E6%B2%BB%E6%B8%AF-%E9%A6%99%E6%B8%AF%E6%B0%91%E4%B8%BB%E7%9A%84%E6%96%B0%E7%94%9F%EF%BC%88%E6%96%87-%E7%94%B0%E9%A3%9B%E9%BE%8D%EF%BC%89