Human Rights
1
There should be a comprehensive programme of action to focus policing in Northern Ireland on a human rights-based approach. [para. 4.6]
2
There should be a new oath, taken individually by all new and existing police officers, expressing an explicit commitment to upholding human rights. The text might be as follows –
"I hereby do solemnly and sincerely and truly declare and affirm that I will faithfully discharge the duties of the office of constable, and that in so doing I will act with fairness, integrity, diligence and impartiality, uphold fundamental human rights and accord equal respect to all individuals and to their traditions and beliefs." [para. 4.7]
3
A new Code of Ethics should replace the existing, largely procedural code, integrating the European Convention on Human Rights into police practice. Codes of practice on all aspects of policing, including covert law enforcement techniques, should be strictly in accordance with the European Convention on Human Rights. [para. 4.8]
4
All police officers, and police civilians, should be trained (and updated as required) in the fundamental principles and standards of human rights and the practical implications for policing. The human rights dimension should be integrated into every module of police training. [para. 4.9]
5
Awareness of human rights issues and respect for human rights in the performance of duty should be an important element in the appraisal of individuals in the police service. [para. 4.10]
6
A lawyer with specific expertise in the field of human rights should be appointed to the staff of the police legal services. [para. 4.11]
7
The performance of the police service as a whole in respect of human rights, as in other respects, should be monitored closely by the Policing Board. [para. 4.12]
Accountability
8
An entirely new Policing Board should be created, to replace the present Police Authority. [para. 6.2]
9
The statutory primary function of the Policing Board should be to hold the Chief Constable and the police service publicly to account. [para. 6.3]
10
The Policing Board should set objectives and priorities for policing over a 3 to 5 year period, taking account of any longer term objectives or principles set by the Secretary of State or successor. It should then be responsible for adopting a 3 to 5 year strategy, prepared by the Chief Constable through a process of discussion with the Board, which should reflect the objectives and priorities set by the Board. [para. 6.5]
11
The Board should be responsible for adopting an Annual Policing Plan, developed by the Chief Constable, through a process of discussion with the Board, on the basis of objectives and priorities set by the Board, and within the agreed 3 to 5 year strategy. [para. 6.6]
12
The Board should be responsible for negotiating the annual policing budget with the Northern Ireland Office, or with the appropriate successor body after devolution of policing. It should then allocate the police service budget to the Chief Constable and monitor police performance against the budget. [para. 6.7]
13
The Board should monitor police performance against the Annual Policing Plan and the 3 – 5 year strategy. It should watch crime trends and patterns, and police performance in public order situations. It should also follow such things as recruitment patterns and trends, including fair employment and equal opportunities performance, and training needs. It should assess public satisfaction with the police service and, in liaison with the Police Ombudsman, patterns and trends in complaints against the police. [para. 6.8]
14
The Board should have the responsibility for appointing all chief officers and civilian equivalents and for determining the length of their contracts. All appointments should be subject to approval by the Secretary of State (and successor after devolution) and the Chief Constable should be consulted in relation to the appointment of subordinate chief officers and civilian equivalents. The Board should have the power to call upon the Chief Constable to retire in the interests of efficiency and effectiveness subject to the approval of the Secretary of State (and successor) and to the right to make representations as at present. Similarly, the Board should have the same power in relation to other chief officers and civilian equivalents exercisable subject to the approval of the Secretary of State (and successor) and to the same right to make representations and after consultation with the Chief Constable. The Secretary of State should have power to require the Policing Board to call upon the Chief Constable to retire on the same grounds but this power should be exercisable only after consultation with the Board and subject to the same right to make representations already referred to. Additionally, after devolution the relevant Northern Ireland minister should have power to call for the retirement of the Chief Constable on the same grounds but this should be subject to the agreement of the Policing Board and the approval of the Secretary of State with an equivalent right to make representations. The Board should be the disciplinary authority for chief officers and civilian equivalents. [para. 6.9]
15
The Policing Board should coordinate its work closely with other agencies whose work touches on public safety, including education, environment, economic development, housing and health authorities, as well as social services, youth services and the probation service, and with appropriate non-governmental organizations. [para. 6.10]
16
The Policing Board should have 19 members, 10 of whom should be Assembly members drawn from the parties that comprise the new Northern Ireland Executive, selected on the d’Hondt system, who should not at the same time hold ministerial office in the Executive. [para. 6.11]
17
The nine independent members of the Board should be selected from a range of different fields – including business, trade unions, voluntary organizations, community groups and the legal profession – with the aim of finding a group of individuals representative of the community as a whole, with the expertise both to set policing priorities and to probe and scrutinise different areas of police performance, from management of resources to the safeguarding of human rights. Their appointments should be for four years; but if it were necessary for the purpose of continuity to ensure that not all Board positions fell vacant at the same time as elections to the Assembly, some of these appointments could be for an initial period of two years. [para. 6.12]
18
The independent members should be appointed by the Secretary of State, in consultation with the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister, until such time as responsibility for policing is devolved, at which point the appointments should be made by the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister acting together. Until devolution, the Secretary of State should also determine the remuneration and expenses of Board members, in consultation with the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister. [para. 6.13]
19
A Board member of high quality and standing in the community should be appointed by the Secretary of State to be the first chairman of the Board, with the agreement of the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister, for an initial term of four years. [para. 6.14]
20
Responsibility for policing should be devolved to the Northern Ireland Executive as soon as possible, except for matters of national security. [para. 6.15]
21
The powers of the Policing Board proposed in this report, in relation to both government (as now represented by the Secretary of State) and the Chief Constable, should in no way be diminished when the government role in the tripartite arrangement passes to the Northern Ireland Executive. [para. 6.15]
22
The provisions of the Police (Northern Ireland) Act 1998 should be simplified so that the respective roles of the Secretary of State (or successor), the Policing Board and the Chief Constable are clear. [para. 6.16]
23
The provision, in Section 39 of the Police (Northern Ireland) Act 1998, that the Secretary of State may issue guidance to the police as to the exercise of their functions, should be repealed. [para. 6.18]
24
The Chief Constable should be deemed to have operational responsibility for the exercise of his or her functions and the activities of the police officers and civilian staff under his or her direction and control. [para. 6.21]
25
The Policing Board should have the power to require the Chief Constable to report on any issue pertaining to the performance of his functions or those of the police service. The obligation to report should extend to explaining operational decisions. If there is a disagreement between the Board and the Chief Constable over whether it is appropriate for a report to be provided on a particular matter, it should be for the Chief Constable to refer the question to the Secretary of State for a decision as to whether the Board’s requirement should stand. [para. 6.22]
26
The Policing Board should have the power, subject only to the same limitation set out in paragraph 6.22, to follow up any report from the Chief Constable by initiating an inquiry into any aspect of the police service or police conduct. Depending on the circumstances, the Board should have the option to request the Police Ombudsman, the Inspectorate of Constabulary or the Audit Office to conduct or contribute to such an inquiry, or to use the Board’s own staff, or even private consultants for such a purpose. [para. 6.23]
27
Each District Council should establish a District Policing Partnership Board (DPPB), as a committee of the Council, with a majority elected membership, the remaining independent members to be selected by the Council with the agreement of the Policing Board. The chair of the DPPB should be held by an elected member, with rotation between parties from year to year. [para. 6.26]
28
The District Policing Partnership Board in Belfast should have four sub-groups, covering North, South, East and West Belfast. [para. 6.27]
29
There should be monthly meetings between the DPPB and the police District Commander, at which the police should present reports and answer questions and the Board should reflect community concerns and priorities to the police. The views expressed by DPPBs should be taken fully into account by the police and by the Policing Board in the formulation of policing plans and strategies at the central level. [para. 6.30]
30
The DPPB should submit an annual report to the District Council, and publish it. [para. 6.31]
31
The approved administration costs of the DPPB should attract a 75% grant from the Policing Board, the remaining 25% to be funded by the District Council. [para. 6.32]
32
District Councils should have the power to contribute an amount initially up to the equivalent of a rate of 3p in the pound towards the improved policing of the district, which could enable the DPPB to purchase additional services from the police or other statutory agencies, or from the private sector. [para. 6.33]
33
It should be the aim of every police beat manager to have a consultative forum in his or her patrol area. [para. 6.34]
34
The Policing Board should maintain regular contact with the DPPBs, through periodic meetings of chairpersons, annual conferences, seminars, training courses and by including them in the circulation of information. [para. 6.35]
35
The Policing Board should meet in public once a month, to receive a report from the Chief Constable. [para. 6.36]
36
District Policing Partnership Boards should meet in public once a month, and procedures should allow for members of the public to address questions to the Board and, through the chair, to the police. [para. 6.37]
37
The police service should take steps to improve its transparency. The presumption should be that everything should be available for public scrutiny unless it is in the public interest – not the police interest – to hold it back. [para. 6.38]
38
The Police Ombudsman should be, and be seen to be, an important institution in the governance of Northern Ireland, and should be staffed and resourced accordingly. The Ombudsman should take initiatives, not merely react to specific complaints received. He/she should exercise the power to initiate inquiries or investigations even if no specific complaint has been received. The Ombudsman should be responsible for compiling data on trends and patterns in complaints against the police, or accumulations of complaints against individual officers, and should work with the police to address issues emerging from this data. He/she should have a dynamic cooperative relationship with both the police and the Policing Board, as well as other bodies involved in community safety issues. He/she should exercise the right to investigate and comment on police policies and practices, where these are perceived to give rise to difficulties, even if the conduct of individual officers may not itself be culpable, and should draw any such observations to the attention of the Chief Constable and the Policing Board. The Ombudsman should have access to all past reports on the RUC. [para. 6.41]
39
New legislation on covert policing should be fully compliant with the European Convention on Human Rights and should have the same application in Northern Ireland as in the rest of the United Kingdom. [para. 6.43]
40
There should be a commissioner for covert law enforcement in Northern Ireland. [para. 6.44]
41
There should be a complaints tribunal, comprising senior members of the legal profession, with full powers to investigate cases referred to it (either directly or through the Police Ombudsman) involving covert law enforcement operations. [para. 6.45]
42
There should be a substantial strengthening of financial accountability, including: a fully costed Annual Policing Plan; a strong audit department within the Policing Board, staffed by experts in budgeting, financial management and value for money programmes; and more systematic use of the Audit Office to study police resource management, either at the behest of the Policing Board or on its own initiative. [para. 6.46]
43
The Chief Constable should be designated a sub accounting officer, in addition to the Chief Executive of the Policing Board, so that either or both may be called, together with the Permanent Under Secretary as principal accounting officer, to give evidence to the Public Accounts Committee. [para. 6.47]
Policing with the Community
44
Policing with the community should be the core function of the police service and the core function of every police station. [para. 7.9]
45
Every neighbourhood (or rural area) should have a dedicated policing team with lead responsibility for policing its area. [para. 7.10]
46
Members of the policing team should serve at least three and preferably five years in the same neighbourhood. They should wear their names clearly displayed on their uniforms, and their uniforms should also bear the name of the locality for which they are responsible. [para. 7.11]
47
All probationary police officers should undertake the operational phases of their probationary training doing team policing in the community. [para. 7.12]
48
Where practicable, policing teams should patrol on foot. [para. 7.13]
49
Neighbourhood policing teams should be empowered to determine their own local priorities and set their own objectives, within the overall Annual Policing Plan and in consultation with community representatives. [para. 7.14]
50
The Northern Ireland police should, both at a service-wide level and at patrol team level, conduct crime pattern and complaint pattern analysis to provide an information-led, problem-solving approach to policing. All police officers should be instructed in problem-solving techniques and encouraged to address the causes of problems as well as the consequences (the priority being to train beat managers and their teams); and they should be regularly appraised as to their performance in doing so. [para. 7.16]
51
DPPB members and other community leaders should be able to attend police training courses in problem-solving techniques. [para. 7.17]
Policing in a Peaceful Society
52
Police stations built from now on should have, so far as possible, the appearance of ordinary buildings; they should have low perimeter walls, and be clearly visible from the street; but they should have security features, which may be activated or reinforced as necessary. [para. 8.5]
53
Existing police stations should – subject to the security situation in their areas and to health and safety considerations – be progressively made less forbidding in appearance, more accessible to public callers and more congenial for those working in them. The public reception areas inside police stations should be made more welcoming, and civilian receptionists could replace police officers. [para. 8.6]
54
District police commanders should have discretion to decide in consultation with their local community how best to balance their resources between static posts and mobile patrols. [para. 8.7]
55
Police cars should continue to be substituted as patrol vehicles in place of armoured Landrovers, and the use of armoured Landrovers should be limited to threatening situations. [para. 8.8]
56
As soon as possible (that is, as soon as the incidence of deployment ceases to be regular) armoured Landrovers should be moved to depots, to be kept in reserve for use in public order policing for as long as this contingency may be required. [para. 8.9]
57
The word "Police" should be painted onto the sides of all Landrovers. [para. 8.10]
58
The role of the army should continue to be reduced, as quickly as the security situation will allow, so that the police can patrol all parts of Northern Ireland without military support. [para. 8.11]
59
For as long as the prospect remains of substantial public order policing demands on the scale seen at Drumcree in recent years, the army should retain the capacity to provide support for the police in meeting those demands. [para. 8.12]
60
Provided the threat of terrorism in Northern Ireland diminishes to the point where no additional special powers are necessary to combat it, legislation against terrorism should be the same in Northern Ireland as in the rest of the United Kingdom. [para. 8.14]
61
In the meantime, with immediate effect, records should be kept of all stops and searches and other such actions taken under emergency powers. [para. 8.14]
62
The three holding centres at Castlereagh, Gough barracks and Strand Road should be closed forthwith and all suspects should in future be detained in custody suites based in police stations. [para. 8.15]
63
Video recording should be introduced into the PACE custody suites. [para. 8.16]
64
Responsibility for inspecting all custody and interrogation suites should rest with the Policing Board, and Lay Visitors should be empowered not only to inspect the conditions of detention (as at present), but also to observe interviews on camera subject to the consent of the detainee (as is the case for cell visits). [para. 8.16]
65
The question of moving towards the desired objective of a routinely unarmed police service should be periodically reviewed in the light of developments in the security environment. [para. 8.19]
Public Order Policing
66
The Northern Ireland police should have the capacity within its own establishment to deal with public order emergencies without help from other police services and without more than the present level of support from the army. [para. 9.6]
67
It should be a condition for the approval of a parade that the organizers should provide their own marshals, and the organizers and the police should work together to plan the policing of such events. This should involve as appropriate the representatives of the neighbourhoods involved in the parade route. [para. 9.9]
68
Marshal training should be further developed, with an appropriate qualification on successful completion of the training. All parades should be marshalled and, as soon as practicable, it should be a requirement that all potentially contentious parades requiring a decision or determination by the Parades Commission should be marshalled by qualified personnel. [para. 9.10]
69
An immediate and substantial investment should be made in a research programme to find an acceptable, effective and less potentially lethal alternative to the Plastic Baton Round (PBR). [para. 9.15]
70
The police should be equipped with a broader range of public order equipment than the RUC currently possess, so that a commander has a number of options at his/her disposal which might reduce reliance on, or defer resort to, the PBR. [para. 9.16]
71
The use of PBRs should be subject to the same procedures for deployment, use and reporting as apply in the rest of the United Kingdom. Their use should be confined to the smallest necessary number of specially trained officers, who should be trained to think of the weapon in the same way as they would think of a firearm, that is as a weapon which is potentially lethal. Use of PBRs should in the first instance require the authorisation of a district commander. This should be justified in a report to the Policing Board, which should be copied to the Police Ombudsman. Wherever possible, video camera recordings should be made of incidents in which the use of PBRs is authorised. [para. 9.17]
72
Officers’ identification numbers should be clearly visible on their protective clothing, just as they should be on regular uniforms. [para. 9.18]
73
The Policing Board and, as appropriate, the Police Ombudsman should actively monitor police performance in public order situations, and if necessary seek reports from the Chief Constable and follow up those reports if they wish. [para. 9.19]
74
Guidance governing the deployment and use of PBRs should be soundly based in law, clearly expressed and readily available as public documents. [para. 9.20]
Management and Personnel
75
The Northern Ireland police leadership team should include specialists in change management. These may be either civilians or police officers, preferably both. The leadership team should produce a programme for change, to be presented to the Policing Board and reviewed periodically by the Board. The efficiency and effectiveness of each chief officer should be judged on the basis of, among other things, their capacity to introduce and adapt to change. [para. 10.3]
76
District commanders should have fully devolved authority over the deployment of personnel (officer and civilian) within their command, devolved budgets (including salary budgets), authority to purchase a range of goods and services, and to finance local policing initiatives. They should reach service level agreements with all headquarter support departments. [para. 10.7]
77
It should be a high priority of management to ensure that the appraisal system is fully effective. This system should be used as part of the promotion and selection process. An officer’s capacity for change should be assessed and should also be taken into account in the promotion and selection process. [para. 10.10]
78
District commanders should be required regularly to account to their senior officers for the patterns of crime and police activity in their district and to explain how they propose to address their districts’ problems. [para. 10.11]
79
An automated trend identification system for complaints should be introduced. [para. 10.12]
80
The use of trend information should be followed up by management, and as appropriate by the department responsible for discipline, and guidance should be drawn up to help managers use this information effectively. [para. 10.13]
81
Police managers should use random checks as a way to monitor the behaviour of their officers in dealings with the public and their integrity. [para. 10.14]
82
Police management should use all the tools at its disposal, including when necessary the administrative dismissal process, to ensure that high professional and ethical standards are consistently met. [para. 10.15]
83
There should be a tenure policy, so that officers do not have inordinately long postings in any specialist area of the police. [para. 10.16]
84
Officers injured on duty should be treated as a separate category for sickness recording purposes. [para. 10.17]
85
A new policy should be formulated for the management of long-term sickness absence, incorporating appropriate arrangements for medical retirement, career counselling and welfare support. A system of rewards, as well as sanctions, should be introduced as part of the sickness management policy. [para. 10.19]
86
There should be a more detailed review of sickness absence, to establish underlying causes and to make recommendations to address them. [para. 10.19]
87
A substantial fund should be set up to help injured police officers, injured retired officers and their families, as well as police widows. [para. 10.20]
88
The Widows Association should be given an office in police premises, free of charge, and a regular source of finance adequate to run their organization. [para. 10.21]
89
The Assistant Chief Constables currently responsible for support services should be replaced by two civilian Assistant Chief Officers, one responsible for personnel issues and one for finance and administration. [para. 10.22]
90
There should be a rigorous programme of civilianisation of jobs which do not require police powers, training or experience, exceptions being made only when it can be demonstrated that there is a good reason for a police officer to occupy the position. [para. 10.23]
91
The Policing Board and the police service should initiate a review of police support services with a view to contracting out those services where this will enhance the efficient management of resources. Consideration should be given to allowing "management buy-outs" of support services by police officers or civilian employees interested in continuing to provide those services as a private sector company, and in such cases management buy-out contractors should be offered a secure contract for at least three years to enable them to establish themselves before having to tender for renewal. [para. 10.25]
92
The police should commission a comprehensive audit of the whole police estate, to include outside experts, and develop a strategy for achieving an effective and efficient estate to meet the objectives for policing as outlined in this report. [para. 10.28]
Information Technology
93
There should be an urgent, independent, and in-depth strategic review of the use of information technology (IT) in policing. It should benchmark the Northern Ireland police against police services in the rest of the world and devise a properly resourced strategy that places them at the forefront of law enforcement technology within 3 to 5 years. It should be validated by independent assessment. The strategy should deliver fully integrated technology systems that are readily accessible to all staff, and should take advantage of the best analytical and communications systems currently available. Users of the technology should play a key part in devising the strategy, and in assessing its implementation. [para. 11.13]
Structure of the Police Service
94
There should be one district command for each District Council area. [para. 12.4]
95
In general, each district command should be headed by a Superintendent and resourced sufficiently to be self-contained for day-to-day policing purposes and capable of marshalling strength to cope with most unexpected demands. However, in the districts with small populations the commander should be a Chief Inspector, and the districts should draw on assistance from larger neighbouring district commands for functions in which it is not feasible for a small command to be self-sufficient. [para. 12.5]
96
The divisional layer of management and the regional headquarters should be removed, and there should be a direct reporting line from each district commander to the appropriate Assistant Chief Constable at central police headquarters. District commanders in smaller council areas, whatever their rank, should have such a direct reporting line, reflecting the accountability arrangements we have recommended. There should be much greater delegation of decision-making authority to district commanders than is the case now with sub-divisional commanders, including control over a devolved budget and all police resources in their district. [para. 12.6]
97
There should be a slimmer structure at police headquarters – one that reflects the shift of focus towards community policing and the delegation of responsibility to district commanders, and permits a more rigorous and strategic approach to management. There should be no more than one Deputy Chief Constable. The number of Assistant Chief Officers should be reduced to six from the present twelve. The position of "Deputy Assistant Chief Constable" should be deleted forthwith. The rank of Chief Superintendent should be phased out. [para. 12.9]
98
Special Branch and Crime Branch should be brought together under the command of a single Assistant Chief Constable. [para. 12.12]
99
There should be a substantial reduction in the number of officers engaged in security work in the new, amalgamated command. [para. 12.13]
100
Security officers should be required to keep their district commanders well briefed on security activities in their districts, and district commanders should be fully consulted before security operations are undertaken in their district. [para. 12.14]
101
The support units of Special Branch should be amalgamated into the wider police service. [para. 12.15]
102
Officers should not spend such long periods in security work as has been common in the past. [para 12.16]
103
The future police service should not include a Full Time Reserve. [para. 12.17]
104
There should be an enlarged Part Time Reserve of up to 2,500 officers, the additional recruits to come from those areas in which there are currently very few reservists or none at all. [para. 12.18]
Size of the Police Service
105
Provided the peace process does not collapse and the security situation does not deteriorate significantly from the situation pertaining at present, the approximate size of the police service over the next ten years should be 7,500 full time officers. [para. 13.9]
106
The early retirement or severance package offered to regular officers and full time reservists aged 50 or above should include a generous lump sum payment according to length of service, pension enhancement of up to five years, early payment of pension commutation entitlement and payment in lieu of pension until pensionable age is reached. Full time reservists should be treated as far as possible in the same way as regular officers. [para. 13.12]
107
Regular officers with more than five years’ service and all full time reservists, leaving the police service before the age of 50, should receive a substantial lump sum payment. [para. 13.13]
108
The Training and Employment Agency should develop measures for police officers (and civilians) seeking other employment, in consultation with police management and the staff associations. The Police Retraining and Rehabilitation Trust should have a role in this programme, and should have enhanced staffing and funding to enable it to deal with a substantially larger workload. [para. 13.17]
109
Police recruiting agencies in Great Britain should take full account of the policing experience of former RUC reservists in considering applications for employment in police services in Great Britain. [para. 13.19]
110
The British government should offer former reservists the opportunity to participate in British policing contingents in United Nations peacekeeping operations. [para. 13.19]
Composition and Recruitment of the Police Service
111
The Northern Ireland Civil Service management should facilitate transfers of civilian members of the police service to other Northern Ireland departments and should cooperate with the Policing Board and the Chief Constable in achieving a balanced and representative civilian workforce. [para. 14.16]
112
Every effort should be made to ensure that the composition of the staff of the Policing Board, the NIO Police Division (or any successor body), and the office of the Police Ombudsman should be broadly reflective of the population of Northern Ireland as a whole, particularly in terms of political/religious tradition and gender. [para. 14.17]
113
All community leaders, including political party leaders and local councillors, bishops and priests, schoolteachers and sports authorities, should take steps to remove all discouragements to members of their communities applying to join the police, and make it a priority to encourage them to apply. [para. 15.2]
114
The Gaelic Athletic Association should repeal its rule 21, which prohibits members of the police in Northern Ireland from being members of the Association. [para. 15.2]
115
Liaison should be established between all schools and universities and the police service in Northern Ireland immediately, and work experience attachments and familiarisation days should be organized with active support and encouragement from community leaders and teachers. [para. 15.4]
116
Provided there is active support and encouragement from local political and community leaders, pilot police cadet schemes should be set up. [para. 15.6]
117
The police should contract out the recruitment of both police officers and civilians into the police service. There should be lay involvement, including community representatives, on recruitment panels. [para. 15.7]
118
The recruitment agency should advertise imaginatively and persistently, particularly in places likely to reach groups who are under-represented in the police. [para. 15.8]
119
The agency should advertise beyond Northern Ireland, in the rest of the United Kingdom and in the Republic of Ireland. [para. 15.8]
120
All candidates for the police service should continue to be required to reach a specified standard of merit in the selection procedure. Candidates reaching this standard should then enter a pool from which the required number of recruits can be drawn. [para. 15.9]
121
An equal number of Protestants and Catholics should be drawn from the pool of qualified candidates. [para. 15.10]
122
Priority should be given to creating opportunities for part time working and job-sharing, both for police officers and police service civilians, and career breaks should be introduced. [para. 15.11]
123
Child care facilities should be introduced where practicable, or child care vouchers and flexible shift arrangements offered. [para. 15.11]
124
The recruitment process should be reduced to no more than six months. [para. 15.12]
125
Young people should not be automatically disqualified from entry into the police service for relatively minor criminal offences, particularly if they have since had a number of years without further transgressions. The criteria on this aspect of eligibility should be the same as those in the rest of the United Kingdom. There should be a procedure for appeal to the Police Ombudsman against disqualification of candidates. [para. 15.13]
126
All officers – those now in service as well as all future recruits – should be obliged to register their interests and associations. The register should be held both by the police service and by the Police Ombudsman. [para. 15.16]
127
The recruitment agency should seek to identify Northern Ireland Catholic officers in other police services, including the Garda Siochana, contact them and encourage them – particularly those in more senior ranks – to apply for positions in the Northern Ireland police. [para. 15.17]
128
Lateral entry of experienced officers from other police services, and secondments or recruitments from non-police organizations should be actively encouraged. [para. 15.18]
Training, Education and Development
129
A training, education and development strategy should be put in place, both for recruit training and for in-service training, which is linked to the aims of this report and to the objectives and priorities set out in the policing plans. These plans should incorporate training and development requirements. [para. 16.4]
130
A total training and development budget should be established, covering all aspects of training, and this should be safeguarded against transfers to other sub-heads. [para. 16.5]
131
The Northern Ireland police should have a new purpose-built police college and the funding for it should be found in the next public spending round. [para. 16.6]
132
There should be service level agreements between police districts/departments and the police Training Branch setting out what the Branch is expected to deliver to the district or department concerned. [para. 16.8]
133
There should be a high degree of civilian input into the recruit training programme. The director of the training centre (and the new college when this is opened) should have both academic qualifications and management expertise. Civilian instructors should be employed, or brought in as necessary to conduct as many elements of the training programme as possible. Some modules of recruit training should be contracted out to universities and delivered on university premises, ideally together with non-police students. [para. 16.10]
134
Civilian recruits to the police service should also attend the police college, and do some of their training together with police officer recruits. [para. 16.11]
135
Recruits who do not already have degrees should be encouraged to acquire appropriate academic qualifications during the first two years of their career. Encouragement should be given to those officers who wish to go on to study for further relevant qualifications. [para. 16.12]
136
Attestation as a police officer should take place only upon successful completion of the recruit training course. A sufficiently rigorous standard should be required for success in that course; and completion of the course should be marked by a graduation ceremony. [para. 16.13]
137
The hours spent on drill should be considerably reduced. [para. 16.14]
138
Problem-solving and partnership approaches should be central to the recruit training course, and scenario exercises should be further developed as training tools. [para. 16.16]
139
Community awareness training for police recruits should be developed to include representatives of all the main political and religious traditions in Northern Ireland. Community awareness should not be seen as a stand-alone element of recruit training; it should be integrated into all aspects of training. [para. 16.17]
140
The Northern Ireland police should introduce a comprehensive tutor officer scheme. Tutor officers should be carefully selected, according to their commitment and adaptability to the new style of policing, and trained. [para. 16.18]
141
Every member of the police service should have, as soon as possible, a course on the impact on policing of the new constitutional arrangements for Northern Ireland, the new policing arrangements set out in this report, and the reforms of the criminal justice system. [para. 16.20]
142
As a matter of priority, all members of the police service should be instructed in the implications for policing of the Human Rights Act 1998, and the wider context of the European Convention on Human Rights and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [para. 16.21]
143
All police managers should have management training, as appropriate, and every manager should at some stage of his/her career do a management course in a non-police environment, such as a business school or university. Use should be made of management workshops, so that managers can discuss and develop with each other how best to reshape the police organization. [para. 16.22]
144
Every officer and civilian in the service should undergo adequate training in information technology. [para. 16.23]
145
Opportunities should be taken for joint training with civilian analysts, and members of other police services. [para. 16.23]
146
The Northern Ireland police should draw on the success of neighbourhood policing in such places as the Markets area of Belfast in developing a neighbourhood policing training programme for all members of the police service. Standard training for neighbourhood officers should include modules on such community problems as domestic violence, child abuse, rape, drugs and youth issues and this training should be updated as necessary. [para. 16.24]
147
The training curricula for the police service should be publicly available, and easily accessible, eg. on the Internet. [para. 16.25]
148
Some training sessions should be open to members of the public to attend, upon application, priority being given to members of the Policing Board or District Policing Partnership Boards, Lay Visitors, or other bodies, statutory or non-governmental, involved in working with the police. [para. 16.26]
149
The new police college should offer a pilot citizens course, to assess demand in Northern Ireland. [para. 16.26]
Culture, Ethos and Symbols
150
While the Royal Ulster Constabulary should not be disbanded, it should henceforth be named the Northern Ireland Police Service. [para. 17.6]
151
The Northern Ireland Police Service should adopt a new badge and symbols which are entirely free from any association with either the British or Irish states. [para. 17.6]
152
The Union flag should no longer be flown from police buildings. [para. 17.6]
153
On those occasions on which it is appropriate to fly a flag on police buildings, the flag flown should be that of the Northern Ireland Police Service and it, too, should be free from associations with the British or Irish states. [para. 17.6]
154
The colour of the current police uniform should be retained, but a new, more practical style of uniform should be provided to police officers. [para. 17.7]
155
Police memorials in police buildings should remain as they are and where they are. [para. 17.8]
156
The maintenance of a neutral working environment should become an assessed management responsibility at all levels of management. [para. 17.9]
Cooperation with other Police Services
157
The Northern Ireland police and the Garda Siochana should have written protocols covering key aspects of cooperation. [para. 18.7]
158
The present pattern of meetings between the police services in Northern Ireland and the Republic should be enhanced by an annual conference, designed to drive forward cooperation in areas of common concern. [para. 18.8]
159
There should be a programme of long-term personnel exchanges, such as fixed-term secondments, between the Northern Ireland police and the Garda, in specialist fields where cooperation between the two services is most needed, such as drugs, and in areas such as training. [para. 18.10]
160
Consideration should be given to posting liaison officers from each service to the central headquarters and/or border area headquarters of the other. [para. 18.10]
161
There should be structured cooperation between the two police services in training. [para. 18.11]
162
There should be joint disaster planning between the Northern Ireland police and the Garda Siochana and the plans should be tested by regular joint exercises. [para. 18.12]
163
Consideration should be given to establishing a provision for an immediate exchange of officers and pooling of investigative teams after major incidents with a substantial cross-border dimension, akin to the arrangements which exist between Kent and the police services of France and Belgium. [para. 18.13]
164
Every effort should be made to ensure that fast, effective and reliable communications are established between the Garda and the Northern Ireland police both through improved radio links and through compatible IT systems. [para. 18.14]
165
Joint database development should be pursued as a matter of priority in all the main areas of cross-border criminality, such as drugs, smuggling, vehicle theft and terrorism. [para. 18.15]
166
A determined effort should be made to develop exchanges, and long-term secondments, between the Northern Ireland police and police services in Great Britain. [para. 18.16]
167
There should be training exchanges and some joint training between the Northern Ireland police and police services in Great Britain. [para. 18.17]
168
Consideration should be given to structured links between the four principal police training establishments in the British Isles, namely Bramshill (England), Templemore (Republic of Ireland), Tulliallan (Scotland) and Garnerville or the proposed new police college in Northern Ireland. [para. 18.17]
169
International training exchanges should be further developed, focussing in particular on matters where the police in Northern Ireland need overseas police cooperation and on best practice developments in policing worldwide. There should be cooperation with other police services in the field of research. [para. 18.18]
170
The police should develop opportunities to provide more training for overseas police services in their areas of excellence. [para. 18.19]
171
The Northern Ireland police should be ready to participate in future United Nations peace-keeping operations. [para. 18.20]
172
An eminent person, from a country other than the United Kingdom or Ireland, should be appointed as soon as possible as an oversight commissioner with responsibility for supervising the implementation of our recommendations. [para. 19.4]
173
The government, the police service, and the Policing Board (and DPPBs) should provide the oversight commissioner with objectives (with timetables) covering their own responsibilities, and should report on the progress achieved at the periodic review meetings, and account for any failures to achieve objectives. [para. 19.5]
174
The commissioner should in turn report publicly after each review meeting on the progress achieved, together with his or her observations on the extent to which any failures or delays are the responsibility of the policing institutions themselves or due to matters beyond their control. [para. 19.5]
175
The oversight commissioner should be appointed for a term of five years. [para. 19.6]
Full Report: https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/issues/police/patten/patten99.pdf
Source: Chris Patten
https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/issues/police/patten/recommend.htm
Sunday, October 13, 2019
彭定康怎樣解開北愛爾蘭三十年的警民仇恨之結？
自林鄭引用緊急法訂立蒙面法後，一向言談從容婉轉的彭定康接受 Sky News 訪問少有地表現憤怒，直刀直入地怒斥林鄭引用緊急法的行為是「Crazy」﹑「Absolutely madness」（看過不少彭定康的訪談從未見過他這般生氣）。整件事的笑位的是林鄭居然在記者會上質疑彭定康，反問如果類似事件發生在自己國家，他會如何處理...... (條友真係唔識架喎)
事實是，彭定康作為1998年成立的北愛爾蘭治安獨立委員會主席，成功化解了北愛爾蘭三十年來的警民仇恨。1999年出版，正式名字為《新開始：北愛爾蘭的治安》的《彭定康報告》成為了世界上處理類似衝突的藍本。林鄭此話一出立即被全城恥笑。
彭定康回憶錄裡面憶述關於自己在北愛爾蘭工作的章節名為「Crazy Irish Knots」，形容北愛問題像死結一般。三十年的衝突除了涉及主權﹑種族﹑階級與宗教矛盾外，其中一個激起長年衝突的原因就是警察濫暴問題。當年的北愛有四成天主教徒人口，而北愛皇家阿爾斯特警察(Royal Ulster Constabulary) 卻只有8％ 天主教徒，新教徒佔警隊大多數。皇家阿爾斯特警察歧視信奉天生教的愛爾蘭人，而且對不少共和派（主張愛爾蘭島統一）天主教徒進行濫殺及酷刑。激發起實行恐佈主義的準軍事組織愛爾蘭共和軍崛起。
1998年北愛問題稍為平靜之際，北愛爾蘭自治政府、愛爾蘭政府和英國政府簽訂《貝爾法斯特協議》，展開了北愛和平進程。各方協議需要處理的其中一大難題就是臭名遠播的皇家阿爾斯特警察問題，親愛的共和派要求解散警隊，親英的保皇派則要求保留皇家阿爾斯特警察，這個問題被當時被認定為無法解開的結。
就在彭定康離任港督回到英國的幾個月後，時任北愛爾蘭內閣大臣 Mo Mowlam 邀請他成為北愛爾蘭治安獨立委員會主席。曾為北愛爾蘭次長以及作為愛爾蘭裔天主教徒的身份讓彭定康比更多英國政治家更合適擔任此角色。
彭定康如何解開這個死結？
彭定康委員會成立後，除了翻查多年來警民衝突的資料，亦開始邀請公眾投寄意見書及問卷﹑舉行大量焦點小組(Focus group) ﹑會世界各地的警察專家會面，並於北愛爾蘭不同地方舉行公眾對話會。
彭定康回憶起當時準備到一個叫 Portadown 的小鎮出席對話會前夕，小鎮附近遭受愛爾蘭共和軍的炸彈襲擊，造成31人死亡。但那次對話會依然吸引約一萬人出席，約一千人發言。而在這個危險的環境下，彭定康與其他委員會成員反而決定放棄保安措施。這是因為他們認為在市民與警察的嚴重對立下，警察在會上的存在會令市民無法暢所欲言。
在調查中，彭定康認為警隊要成功改革，需要經得起五大測試：
1. 未來的警隊能否有效用且效率高的治安工作？
2. 他們能否提供不偏不倚的治安工作，且不受黨派控制？
3. 他們能否對法律及社群問責？
4. 他們能否讓警察在社會上變得更有代表性？
5. 報告的建議能否維護所有人的人權與尊嚴？
經過一年的調查，彭定康認為北愛的警隊無須砍掉重練，但需進行大量沿革，並於1999年發表報告提出175項改革建議，其中包括在報告發表後的十年內，將警隊召募比例上天主教徒與新教徒各佔一半﹑將皇家阿爾斯特警察改名為北愛爾蘭警察 (Police Service Northern Ireland)，以去除任何英國與愛爾蘭的政治色彩，警署不再升起英國國旗﹑將警隊管理獨立於行政部門﹑大規模削減警隊編制等等。報告發表後初期，各界仍有不同聲音，但這份報告於後來成功平息了共和派與保皇派的嚴重分歧。報告至今二十年，北愛人對警隊的信任比例由當時的谷底上升至81％。彭定康化腐朽為神奇。
在整個調查研究中，彭定康抱著一些信念，認為警隊必須遠離政治角力與暴力的核心，以及不要逃避嘗試以溫和的手法去做對的事。
歷史告訴我們，社會上一些複雜難解的死結也有解開的可能。問題只在於掌控權力的人有沒有決心與氣度去嘗試把出軌的列車返回正軌。明顯地，林鄭兩樣特質也沒有。面對警員失控﹑警隊濫暴﹑學生站出來指證警察非禮﹑被捕人士的全裸屍體浮於海面等等幾個月前無法想像的可怕荒謬事件，她仍然無動於衷，並只懂將情況火上加油。加上一堆堆令人傻眼的失常行徑，例如邀請美國參議員到港會談卻臨時失約。
很快，香港就只剩兩條出路：變成另一個北愛爾蘭或者另一個新疆。
真正的千古罪人不是彭定康，而是林鄭月娥。
Source: Fungy Leely 豐吉‧莉莉
https://medium.com/@fungyleely/%E5%BD%AD%E5%AE%9A%E5%BA%B7%E6%80%8E%E6%A8%A3%E8%A7%A3%E9%96%8B%E5%8C%97%E6%84%9B%E7%88%BE%E8%98%AD%E4%B8%89%E5%8D%81%E5%B9%B4%E7%9A%84%E8%AD%A6%E6%B0%91%E4%BB%87%E6%81%A8%E4%B9%8B%E7%B5%90-7c5f3771c569
事實是，彭定康作為1998年成立的北愛爾蘭治安獨立委員會主席，成功化解了北愛爾蘭三十年來的警民仇恨。1999年出版，正式名字為《新開始：北愛爾蘭的治安》的《彭定康報告》成為了世界上處理類似衝突的藍本。林鄭此話一出立即被全城恥笑。
彭定康回憶錄裡面憶述關於自己在北愛爾蘭工作的章節名為「Crazy Irish Knots」，形容北愛問題像死結一般。三十年的衝突除了涉及主權﹑種族﹑階級與宗教矛盾外，其中一個激起長年衝突的原因就是警察濫暴問題。當年的北愛有四成天主教徒人口，而北愛皇家阿爾斯特警察(Royal Ulster Constabulary) 卻只有8％ 天主教徒，新教徒佔警隊大多數。皇家阿爾斯特警察歧視信奉天生教的愛爾蘭人，而且對不少共和派（主張愛爾蘭島統一）天主教徒進行濫殺及酷刑。激發起實行恐佈主義的準軍事組織愛爾蘭共和軍崛起。
1998年北愛問題稍為平靜之際，北愛爾蘭自治政府、愛爾蘭政府和英國政府簽訂《貝爾法斯特協議》，展開了北愛和平進程。各方協議需要處理的其中一大難題就是臭名遠播的皇家阿爾斯特警察問題，親愛的共和派要求解散警隊，親英的保皇派則要求保留皇家阿爾斯特警察，這個問題被當時被認定為無法解開的結。
就在彭定康離任港督回到英國的幾個月後，時任北愛爾蘭內閣大臣 Mo Mowlam 邀請他成為北愛爾蘭治安獨立委員會主席。曾為北愛爾蘭次長以及作為愛爾蘭裔天主教徒的身份讓彭定康比更多英國政治家更合適擔任此角色。
彭定康如何解開這個死結？
彭定康委員會成立後，除了翻查多年來警民衝突的資料，亦開始邀請公眾投寄意見書及問卷﹑舉行大量焦點小組(Focus group) ﹑會世界各地的警察專家會面，並於北愛爾蘭不同地方舉行公眾對話會。
彭定康回憶起當時準備到一個叫 Portadown 的小鎮出席對話會前夕，小鎮附近遭受愛爾蘭共和軍的炸彈襲擊，造成31人死亡。但那次對話會依然吸引約一萬人出席，約一千人發言。而在這個危險的環境下，彭定康與其他委員會成員反而決定放棄保安措施。這是因為他們認為在市民與警察的嚴重對立下，警察在會上的存在會令市民無法暢所欲言。
在調查中，彭定康認為警隊要成功改革，需要經得起五大測試：
1. 未來的警隊能否有效用且效率高的治安工作？
2. 他們能否提供不偏不倚的治安工作，且不受黨派控制？
3. 他們能否對法律及社群問責？
4. 他們能否讓警察在社會上變得更有代表性？
5. 報告的建議能否維護所有人的人權與尊嚴？
經過一年的調查，彭定康認為北愛的警隊無須砍掉重練，但需進行大量沿革，並於1999年發表報告提出175項改革建議，其中包括在報告發表後的十年內，將警隊召募比例上天主教徒與新教徒各佔一半﹑將皇家阿爾斯特警察改名為北愛爾蘭警察 (Police Service Northern Ireland)，以去除任何英國與愛爾蘭的政治色彩，警署不再升起英國國旗﹑將警隊管理獨立於行政部門﹑大規模削減警隊編制等等。報告發表後初期，各界仍有不同聲音，但這份報告於後來成功平息了共和派與保皇派的嚴重分歧。報告至今二十年，北愛人對警隊的信任比例由當時的谷底上升至81％。彭定康化腐朽為神奇。
在整個調查研究中，彭定康抱著一些信念，認為警隊必須遠離政治角力與暴力的核心，以及不要逃避嘗試以溫和的手法去做對的事。
歷史告訴我們，社會上一些複雜難解的死結也有解開的可能。問題只在於掌控權力的人有沒有決心與氣度去嘗試把出軌的列車返回正軌。明顯地，林鄭兩樣特質也沒有。面對警員失控﹑警隊濫暴﹑學生站出來指證警察非禮﹑被捕人士的全裸屍體浮於海面等等幾個月前無法想像的可怕荒謬事件，她仍然無動於衷，並只懂將情況火上加油。加上一堆堆令人傻眼的失常行徑，例如邀請美國參議員到港會談卻臨時失約。
很快，香港就只剩兩條出路：變成另一個北愛爾蘭或者另一個新疆。
真正的千古罪人不是彭定康，而是林鄭月娥。
Source: Fungy Leely 豐吉‧莉莉
https://medium.com/@fungyleely/%E5%BD%AD%E5%AE%9A%E5%BA%B7%E6%80%8E%E6%A8%A3%E8%A7%A3%E9%96%8B%E5%8C%97%E6%84%9B%E7%88%BE%E8%98%AD%E4%B8%89%E5%8D%81%E5%B9%B4%E7%9A%84%E8%AD%A6%E6%B0%91%E4%BB%87%E6%81%A8%E4%B9%8B%E7%B5%90-7c5f3771c569
Sunday, September 29, 2019
不聽命的不是戰士，不要贏的不是戰士，不要命的更不是戰士
不聽命的不是戰士，不要贏的不是戰士，不要命的更不是戰士。只是土匪流寇，與那些元朗北角荃灣的黑幫同類。
你們有機會輸，而且沒仇報，甚至被共匪嘉許的新泛民在當權之後與目前的衙差加倍陷害。
戰爭，你首先要知道敵人是誰。也許你們抗拒知道，你們的敵人是中共和中共委託的新泛民偽港獨，而不是差役。差役只是工具，你打工具是沒意思的，只是證明你膽怯和愚笨，你輸一世。
那些人叫一聲天滅中共、驅逐共黨都不敢，鳩叫時代革命，你根本不是打仗，而是在膽怯，夢語，差役不打這些人打誰？
Source: 陳雲
https://www.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=10157448549407225&id=589657224&_rdr
騎劫
陳雲：臨睡，有話直說，香港人有耳的就該聽。新屋嶺的集中營、太子站的冤魂、乃至在街頭受辱被打被罵被關的無名志士，不一定會因為普選民主而得到昭雪，甚至可以斷定是不會。
鄙人用了道家計策，鼓吹流水鬥爭，加上無名無姓的蒙面同道努力，遠赴大阪G20請願、舉美國旗唱美國國歌，感動美國政壇，如今美國國會加速為《香港人權與民主法案》立法，特朗普願意納入香港自治民主為中美談判議程之先決條件。
承蒙一眾同道不棄鄙人，大家千辛萬苦，披肝瀝膽，香港民主普選在望。然而，共匪派出有名有姓的明星和代表來騎劫，扭曲了過程。
這個現象，大家目睹。過程扭曲了，結果就不一樣。
結果是怎麼樣？我這位被眾人視為智者的人，該老實告訴各位，毛澤東喜歡引用唐代詩人劉禹錫一句詩：「沉舟側畔千帆過，病樹前頭萬木春」，就是說，新開的帆船不會理會倒臥在湖底的沉船而拼命啟航出發，幼小的樹木不會顧念身邊需要陽光和養分的枯萎老樹而拼命爭取陽光養分去生長。沉船被新船弄得更深埋於湖底，老樹被新樹搶奪陽光養分而死去。這就是偽港獨、真中共講的「世代革命」（「時代革命」的本來名詞！）
新屋嶺的集中營、太子站的冤魂、乃至在街頭受辱被打被罵被關的志士，不一定會因為普選民主而得到昭雪的，因為普選民主冒出來的人，就是中共和美國財團這些深層國家安排的新泛民的小青年們和老泛民的老而不們。這些新人舊人壞人得位不正，必會維護現時的地產財閥結構和軍政法西斯團隊。
香港的犧牲者，如果好像台灣二二八慘劇或韓國光州革命那樣，在幾十年之後得到昭雪，已經是萬幸。最大的可能，是好像中國文革、六四屠殺和西班牙內戰的犧牲者一樣，被遺忘掉，因為中國和西班牙至今都沒有正義領袖上台。正義領袖不一定是民選可以產生的。
我敢說，能夠正義處理香港局面的，只有我陳雲一人，沒有第二個。朋友日前說，香港懂得政治的只有兩個人。一個是梁振英，一個是陳雲。梁振英是什麼人，大家知道。陳雲是善性的，不是惡性的那種。
然而，我上台的機會是負數。而我也做好準備捨壽他去。
在目前我可做的，不是爭名奪利，這些我不需要。名為已經夠了，利我也沒壽命去享。我要做的是傳道於弟子與大眾，留正道於人間。
將來，為香港的匹夫匹婦報仇。好事未必做得了，報仇一定要做。
君子報仇，乃《春秋》大義。小人不會為你報仇的，小人認賊作父，恩將仇報。
Source: 陳雲
Thursday, September 26, 2019
香港部署國際局面，有個次序，也有層面
免費講學時間。香港部署國際局面，有個次序，也有層面。很多人妒忌陳雲的計策，紛紛搶奪議程，去英國遊說BNO平權啦、去聯合國告狀啦之類，都是傻的。我的東西他們這麼容易學到，他們就不用一直跟在我後面來罵我是癲佬啦。
講學時間開始！干預香港局面的是中國，主導香港局面的是美國，而有能力干預中共及保護香港的，是美國。美國是中港政治的交集點（intersection），故此香港人必須全力向美國求援，而且直接向特朗普求援，因為特朗普正是要出來改變中美局面的人。過去的幾任美國總統是支持中美聯手剝削中國和香港的，但特朗普要搞局（rock the boat），要動搖deep state對中美的佈局，故此特朗普一出來，香港人必須飛撲過去請他幫忙！我出書支持特朗普（《特朗普厚黑學 2017》），用了兩年時間部署言論，在香港全方位支持特朗普的國際政治，特朗普的幕僚當然知道的。
特朗普捱過了美國國會的彈劾之後，站穩了腳跟，就會回頭處理中國貿易問題，他處理中國貿易問題有空子可鑽的時候，就會處理香港問題。
這個空子，就是今年五月，習近平忽然推翻了中國貿易談判代表劉鶴在美國談來的150頁協議（這是中央政治常委贊成漏夜推翻不談的，他們是在陷害習近平！），之後就是大阪的G20高峰會。我請同道去大阪G20高峰會舉旗，在國際社會目睹的情況下，向特朗普總統求助，就是把握這個千載難逢的時機。
千載難逢，千鈞一髮。這種時機的把握，沒有幾十年研究《易經》和從政的鍛煉，你不會掌握到。（香港復興會仍有《易經》重溫課程。）
結果，當然是空前成功！特朗普前日在聯合國大會向國際宣稱，中共在香港的表現，是世界參考的標準，而中共必須答應妥善處理香港問題，才可以來做中美談判。也許大家不知道，陳雲是華人界，甚至整個世界的政論家之中，在特朗普仍在競選總統的時候，寫書歌頌特朗普，書也拜託美國領事送了給他手上。這不是賭注，而是付託。將香港的命運，付託於一位傑出的美國政治家。
目前，偽港獨去英國遊說國會給BNO平權，日前給英國國會斷然拒絕。偽港獨是抄襲陳雲而不知道時機問題，這些小孩除了欺負陳雲、欺師滅祖之外，毫無做事經驗和做人道德。
特朗普輔助英國首相約翰遜佈局脫歐，並向約翰遜面授機宜，叫約翰遜不要懼怕國會彈劾。之後特朗普的部署，是倫敦的金融中心回復到英語世界管治，英美簽訂兩國貿易協議。當然，香港的金融中心也會回到英語世界，三大交易中心在英美手上。
再之後，才是英美共同處理香港前途問題，英國會拿《中英聯合聲明》來做文章，將英國的監管年期從五十年再延長九十九年，給予香港足夠的主權懸空時間，給香港捕捉中國政府滅亡的最佳重立國體的機會。陳雲文化沙龍，今個星期六及日的下午重溫，大家請來目睹陳雲最精密的思考過程，增強智力。
智力閱讀門檻：IQ105
Source: 陳雲
https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10157439103107225
講學時間開始！干預香港局面的是中國，主導香港局面的是美國，而有能力干預中共及保護香港的，是美國。美國是中港政治的交集點（intersection），故此香港人必須全力向美國求援，而且直接向特朗普求援，因為特朗普正是要出來改變中美局面的人。過去的幾任美國總統是支持中美聯手剝削中國和香港的，但特朗普要搞局（rock the boat），要動搖deep state對中美的佈局，故此特朗普一出來，香港人必須飛撲過去請他幫忙！我出書支持特朗普（《特朗普厚黑學 2017》），用了兩年時間部署言論，在香港全方位支持特朗普的國際政治，特朗普的幕僚當然知道的。
特朗普捱過了美國國會的彈劾之後，站穩了腳跟，就會回頭處理中國貿易問題，他處理中國貿易問題有空子可鑽的時候，就會處理香港問題。
這個空子，就是今年五月，習近平忽然推翻了中國貿易談判代表劉鶴在美國談來的150頁協議（這是中央政治常委贊成漏夜推翻不談的，他們是在陷害習近平！），之後就是大阪的G20高峰會。我請同道去大阪G20高峰會舉旗，在國際社會目睹的情況下，向特朗普總統求助，就是把握這個千載難逢的時機。
千載難逢，千鈞一髮。這種時機的把握，沒有幾十年研究《易經》和從政的鍛煉，你不會掌握到。（香港復興會仍有《易經》重溫課程。）
結果，當然是空前成功！特朗普前日在聯合國大會向國際宣稱，中共在香港的表現，是世界參考的標準，而中共必須答應妥善處理香港問題，才可以來做中美談判。也許大家不知道，陳雲是華人界，甚至整個世界的政論家之中，在特朗普仍在競選總統的時候，寫書歌頌特朗普，書也拜託美國領事送了給他手上。這不是賭注，而是付託。將香港的命運，付託於一位傑出的美國政治家。
目前，偽港獨去英國遊說國會給BNO平權，日前給英國國會斷然拒絕。偽港獨是抄襲陳雲而不知道時機問題，這些小孩除了欺負陳雲、欺師滅祖之外，毫無做事經驗和做人道德。
特朗普輔助英國首相約翰遜佈局脫歐，並向約翰遜面授機宜，叫約翰遜不要懼怕國會彈劾。之後特朗普的部署，是倫敦的金融中心回復到英語世界管治，英美簽訂兩國貿易協議。當然，香港的金融中心也會回到英語世界，三大交易中心在英美手上。
再之後，才是英美共同處理香港前途問題，英國會拿《中英聯合聲明》來做文章，將英國的監管年期從五十年再延長九十九年，給予香港足夠的主權懸空時間，給香港捕捉中國政府滅亡的最佳重立國體的機會。陳雲文化沙龍，今個星期六及日的下午重溫，大家請來目睹陳雲最精密的思考過程，增強智力。
智力閱讀門檻：IQ105
Source: 陳雲
https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10157439103107225
Sunday, September 15, 2019
「反送中」運動如何不重蹈黃背心覆轍
九月四日《解放報》評論林鄭月娥撤回送中法案為「回應太少、回應太遲」（trop peu, trop tard）；若說馬克龍的time delay為三個星期，林鄭則delay了三個月，而之間所發生的種種事情可謂不可逆轉——大幅的警暴與制度的崩壞，使香港人難以「收貨」。若林鄭想模仿馬克龍以撤回、派糖和諮詢來分化抗爭陣營，一切均來得太晚。筆者與黃背心Dimitri交談時，他慨歎：「那時，一大群apolitique（apolitical）的素人中計了，誤信馬克龍想修補撕裂，但我讀到香港人在雨傘時被騙過一次，我想你們大概不會再中計吧……」
的確，香港人在今次的運動不斷蛻變，從「和勇」合作，到「不割席、不分化、不篤灰」，以及如水般（be water）地不斷創新、凝聚和保存實力，這些皆是香港人五年前，甚至在近年世界各地的社運中極其罕見。但這並不代表在林鄭講話後，運動仍能維持原有的政治能量，不如看看黃背心的經驗。
為平息民怨，一直在運動爆發後「玩失蹤」的馬克龍去年十二月十日發表講話：除撤回燃油稅，更有「派糖」政策如增加最低工資。他承認自己未能及時正視民意，並以嘉許單親媽媽勇敢堅強（初期黃背心中有不少單親母親），算是表現對黃背心作出「間接性道歉」。他提出落區與民對話，聆聽各階層聲音，修補社會撕裂。可是，馬克龍拒絕重設富人稅的訴求，亦無有效扶貧計劃。總統講話後黃背心支持度雖未見下跌，但「收貨」聲不斷。溫和派召集人之一Mouraud更公開提出「鳴金收兵」，加上當時聖誕佳節臨近，運動陷入第一波死寂狀態。而發表講話一個月，運動進入低潮期，大多溫和派退場，令堅實派進入捱打狀態。內政部長Castaner加強鎮壓，希望速戰速決，對前線抗爭者使用大量不必要武力，獨立紀錄片拍攝者Rodriguez被警方流彈弄盲右眼，頃刻成了「人民英雄」，引來各方聲援，將垂死的運動拯救過來，年初更引來聯合國關注並成立調查委員會，運動依着反警暴路線重新累積民意。
同時，馬克龍團隊落區常被指「做騷」，及後的「學界大辯論」更遭到一眾知名學者杯葛，運動至第十八周前支持度因而不斷提升。黃背心擅用野貓式戰略擾亂香榭麗舍大道秩序，而普羅大眾對當中名店區感情並不深厚，所以不支持亦不反對。黃背心只影響遊客及法國經濟，沒有所謂「群眾對群眾」狀况出現。似乎運動還能延續一段時間，馬克龍極為頭痛，更有消息傳出總統欲以緊急法出兵鎮壓，但使用「緊急法」將為法國民主形象和信譽帶來無窮後患，政府急忙澄清。
運動的第十八周乃政府連串諮詢會完結之時，黃背心控訴馬克龍以「假諮詢」收買人心，號召全國大型集會，而各省的黃背心均有隊伍到巴黎響應「重奪凱旋門」。豈料當天多隊黑群（black bloc）和前線勇武派成員打砸和焚燒多間名店，更火燒路邊無關的報紙檔，又釀成多番警民衝突。雖有行動者立即發出聲明表示「不割席」，解釋被破壞餐廳乃前總統的愛好，名店是社會不公的象徵，又堅持示威者還擊警察乃防衛手段等等……但大眾（甚至不少溫和的黃背心）對當天行動的暴力程度仍是極度反感和抗拒。其後幾星期黑群的持續參與和焚燒行動引來更多人的反彈，令黃背心在五一大遊行後正式步向衰亡。
黃背心衰亡的八大原因
一、政府的分化與抹黑：社運素人在黃背心中佔過半數比例，法案一撤回，大部分經驗不多的素人雖然心有不甘，仍頓時「收貨」。
二、初衷被遺忘：法案被撤後，政府和與其友好的媒體直接或間接地營造着黃背心「貪得無厭、見好不願收」之形象。馬克龍回絕富人稅訴求後，抗爭者並無堅持，反而轉移重點至反警暴等，令運動予人失焦感覺。
三、過於依賴反警暴論述：依賴暴力問題來維持運動人氣乃一把極危險的雙刃劍——警暴早期一般容易招來大眾同情和關注，但它同時很容易讓抗爭者跌進仇警情緒中，與一般未能親身體會警暴的大眾間築起一道溝通上的鴻溝。大眾會因為不斷出現的暴力畫面而漸變得無感或麻木，甚至感到煩厭。若警民衝突不斷持續，卻沒有更衝擊性的警暴醜聞證據，大眾在反警暴的蜜月期過後，更可能有blame the victims趨勢，將責任推回抗爭者身上。
四、示威者陣營的分化：政治和社運素人佔抗爭者的大多數，意味它與傳統法國左翼社運存在着溝通上、論述上和策略上的重大分野，容易產生派系分歧。雖然運動着重反大台，但仍不時受一些意見領袖影響，當中擅長陰謀論的Flyrider遭不少溫和派否定和排斥。另外，極左和極右勢力也有嘗試培植召集人和意見領袖，一方面高喊「拆大台」，但另一方面又試圖帶領運動論述，對運動構成一定負面形象，最終逼到不少apolitique（非左非右的政治素人）人士與其割席。到歐盟大選之前，有人提出以「支持」極右的勒龐來與「和理非」「攬炒」以抗衡馬克龍，最終釀成友方陣營更嚴重的分裂。
五、對勇武抗爭的抗拒或厭倦：前線人士一般被分為三類——黑群、打砸者（casseur）和盜竊者（voleur）。黑群通常穿full gear連群結隊，在前線擋着警方推進（有時甚至還擊），有些則打砸具象徵意義的死物，向政權進行控訴。黑群到第十八周前，在普遍參與者中認受性仍挺高，因不少人認為黑群有衝擊警方防線和保護後方作用。但後期因焚燒了無辜店舖（如獨立小店），hit-and-run策略亦不時連累無辜群眾被警方攻擊或拘捕，開始與黑群割席。正如旗手之一的Cédric跟筆者提到：「黑群打砸完後拍拍屁股便走了，吃催淚彈的卻是我們。」
打砸者則未必一定full gear，通常單獨出沒，所砸之對象不一定帶有政治信息，行動偶爾響應黑群，更多情况如社區組織者Stéphanie解釋：「我們根本難以分清他們是貪過癮，還是為保護示威者或控訴政權而打砸。」某些甚至與盜竊者無異，於行動現場趁火打砸，破壞運動。當割席時大眾和傳媒卻將三者混為一談。
六、年輕世代的缺席：總統講話後，警方開始進行全面打壓，年初於Mantes-la-Jolie甚至有警方進校拘捕，並迫使學生面壁下跪。年輕世代的參與因而止於萌芽之時，加上左翼未有共識，各大學學生會只好個別動員，窒礙了大專界的參與。
七、媒體戰敗陣：基於早期運動未有工會支持，定性尚未清晰，媒體報道一般未見正面；某些親建制媒體如Figaro和Bfmtv（猶如法版TVB）更多番抹黑示威者，抗爭者與媒體的惡劣關係惡性循環，令整場運動得不到媒體支持。
八、運動大論述轉型的失敗：黃背心早期的成功全賴建基於「燃油稅→被遺忘的貧苦大眾→環保與社會公義環環緊扣 」的方程式上，並將其化約成「眾怒反燃油稅」（France en colère contre taxe carbone）的大論述。然而，總統講話後，此方程式便不成立，抗爭者必須將與方程式相關的元素加進去，重整方程式，以轉型論述。可是，黃背心卻在此節骨眼上失策。他們後來雖提出全民公投和憲法改革兩項訴求，文宣既不完整又不普及，未能使公眾明白和體會與環保或社會公義有何關連。
反送中運動
無大台組織一直乃黃背心和反送中的致勝關鍵，因政府難以通過收編領袖以瓦解運動；同時，無領袖牽頭的模式可避免了不少派系間的奪權狀况，也減低論述被騎劫的風險。黃背心運動仍着重意見領袖的言論，最終躲不過一定程度的派系之爭；相反，反送中人士着重求同存異，否定任何意見領袖對他派言論的攻擊，讓運動一直團結至今。而香港抗爭者對社交平台使用的出神入化，連登和各社交媒體在香港充當了抗爭者之間自我組織的有利平台；相比之下，黃背心既無類似連登的平台，在Telegram上的使用大多還停留在動員（而非組織）的功能上，組織的工作還是高度依賴朋友圈之間的溝通，大大窒礙了運動的跨群組、跨階層、跨地區發展。
論述決定行動，從而使運動變得可能。因此，在「反送中」論述逐漸褪色的情况下，大論述轉型尤其關鍵，不然運動只會步黃背心的後塵。同時，新的大論述不止要重新扣連社會各階層的利益，更要響應追求自由、民主等普世價值，從而爭取更大的國際支持，令香港的抗爭不至被孤立。當中文宣和論述戰與前線抗爭同樣重要，因為失去論述支持，前線的一切行動（不論「和理非」或勇武）皆變得空洞無力，也難以引發更進一步的行動。綜觀剩下的四大訴求中，真雙普選是暫時被抗爭者文宣刻畫最少，卻最有價值的論述戰場。試想真正能讓香港在未來不再掉進猶如送中法案的危機，唯一出路就是真雙普選，徹底地解決政府、議會從不問責於市民的結構性問題。五年前，真普選論述未至於深入民心，不少中間派的上一代人認為年輕世代不切實際，只懂追求對社會無甚好處的「民主」。然而，反送中一役讓不少淺黃、中間派甚至淺藍人士認清，民主其實與自身安危環環相扣，真普選訴求因此變得不再抽象，亦能扣連其他三大訴求，實乃將其打造成取代反送中大論述的大好時機。
堅守剩餘三大訴求固然重要，但與黃背心相似之處是，抗爭者在過去兩個月不斷強調反警暴，有時甚至超過反送中論述，令一場爭取自由、對抗極權的運動淪為與國家機器的鬥爭。前工會領袖Alain指：「近日主流新聞的畫面都只聚焦在前線，因為能吸引眼球。現在連Hong Kong Free Press也只聚焦在暴力場面。我明白他們想呈現警暴的可怕，但人們對『暴力畫面』是會產生疲態，繼而麻木。反送中之前能吸引外國人目光，正正因為其多元和創意，以及對民主的追求，而非一般的『示威者被毆場面』。」只是向外媒或政客輸出「人道危機」說法，顯然乏力。畢竟論警暴，法國現在真的不輸香港。只有當文宣重新包裝論述，將運動背後更着重的價值——自由、民主、人權，甚至命運自主——呈現出來，香港這場運動才能保留其獨有的魅力。
近日維吾爾族被文化清洗的情况愈來愈受西方社會關注，成為中西意識形態之爭的新戰場。早、中期的黃背心未有連結國際上同類群體的眼光，今天香港的抗爭應脫離地緣政治的形象，嘗試連結其他地方的抗爭，才能建立起國際連線，對抗極權暴政。維族人早前對香港抗爭的加持，讓西方社會的維權組織明白到：昨日新疆，今日香港，明日西方！
此外，香港的抗爭至今如此成功，媒體功不可沒。反送中另一比黃背心優勝之處，乃着重fact-check、不擁抱陰謀論的文化，讓運動中的文宣在外媒的眼中保留了很高的參考價值。最後，筆者必須指出在運動內盡量限制武力使用的重要性。暴力於現今全球運動中已愈來愈不受歡迎，連被喻為勇武的法國人，也對打砸、焚燒行動愈來愈抗拒。從策略角度看，大幅度的勇武抗爭難以獲得外界支持；而失去外國與媒體支持的話，政府「關門打狗」的話香港人也難以奈何。况且，回顧歷史，真正的勇武革命在近代的成功率極細，成功案例也通常與軍政府有關；在一般發達地區中，基於既定的營商環境優勢（有時反成限制），採納「和理非」策略的運動反而相對有號召力。當然，香港現正幾近淪陷至police state，前線抗爭者使用武力防禦而非進行攻擊的話，是有一定「合理性」。然而，這份「合理性」在現今全球「和理非」氣候中，顯得一點也不理所當然；如果沒了文宣在背後支撐，運動很快便引來詬病。以法國媒體為例，七一立法會一役由於使用節制性武力，且得到文宣強力支援，陳述事態來龍去脈，巴黎整體的報道算是非常正面，但後來有前線抗爭者擲汽油彈，由於未有大幅度的文宣和論述支撐，媒體的報道好壞參半。而於港鐵內的「跳閘」事件，也因為在「走票」與公民抗命間的爭論未做好論述工作，在媒體的效果也遠差於實况，影響了整體運動的形象。
同時，若政府姿態表現出「軟化」（如提出撤回或「溝通」），而前線卻將武力升級的話，中間派大眾會開始對運動產生厭惡感，從而離棄運動，並慢慢地認為抗爭者被「藍絲群眾」襲擊也無可厚非。而當愈來愈多中間派對運動進行「割席」時，媒體的報道便會出現變化，讓運動慢慢地喪失外國支持——默克爾早前訪華時，她雖然表示支持香港人爭取民主自由，但不忘譴責運動所出現的暴力。當政府開始提出「撤回」時，在運動轉型的節骨眼，抗爭者須經常保持理智，以建構新論述，保持運動的政治能量。不忘為香港犧牲付出的義士之同時，「和」或「勇」僅為策略，抗爭者須觀察並順應大眾反應調整策略；「be water，煲底見！」
Source: 楊健偉（巴黎第七大學政治哲學博士研究生）《明報》周日話題
https://news.mingpao.com/pns/%E5%89%AF%E5%88%8A/article/20190915/s00005/1568484310049/%E5%91%A8%E6%97%A5%E8%A9%B1%E9%A1%8C-%E3%80%8C%E5%8F%8D%E9%80%81%E4%B8%AD%E3%80%8D%E9%81%8B%E5%8B%95%E5%A6%82%E4%BD%95%E4%B8%8D%E9%87%8D%E8%B9%88%E9%BB%83%E8%83%8C%E5%BF%83%E8%A6%86%E8%BD%8D
的確，香港人在今次的運動不斷蛻變，從「和勇」合作，到「不割席、不分化、不篤灰」，以及如水般（be water）地不斷創新、凝聚和保存實力，這些皆是香港人五年前，甚至在近年世界各地的社運中極其罕見。但這並不代表在林鄭講話後，運動仍能維持原有的政治能量，不如看看黃背心的經驗。
為平息民怨，一直在運動爆發後「玩失蹤」的馬克龍去年十二月十日發表講話：除撤回燃油稅，更有「派糖」政策如增加最低工資。他承認自己未能及時正視民意，並以嘉許單親媽媽勇敢堅強（初期黃背心中有不少單親母親），算是表現對黃背心作出「間接性道歉」。他提出落區與民對話，聆聽各階層聲音，修補社會撕裂。可是，馬克龍拒絕重設富人稅的訴求，亦無有效扶貧計劃。總統講話後黃背心支持度雖未見下跌，但「收貨」聲不斷。溫和派召集人之一Mouraud更公開提出「鳴金收兵」，加上當時聖誕佳節臨近，運動陷入第一波死寂狀態。而發表講話一個月，運動進入低潮期，大多溫和派退場，令堅實派進入捱打狀態。內政部長Castaner加強鎮壓，希望速戰速決，對前線抗爭者使用大量不必要武力，獨立紀錄片拍攝者Rodriguez被警方流彈弄盲右眼，頃刻成了「人民英雄」，引來各方聲援，將垂死的運動拯救過來，年初更引來聯合國關注並成立調查委員會，運動依着反警暴路線重新累積民意。
同時，馬克龍團隊落區常被指「做騷」，及後的「學界大辯論」更遭到一眾知名學者杯葛，運動至第十八周前支持度因而不斷提升。黃背心擅用野貓式戰略擾亂香榭麗舍大道秩序，而普羅大眾對當中名店區感情並不深厚，所以不支持亦不反對。黃背心只影響遊客及法國經濟，沒有所謂「群眾對群眾」狀况出現。似乎運動還能延續一段時間，馬克龍極為頭痛，更有消息傳出總統欲以緊急法出兵鎮壓，但使用「緊急法」將為法國民主形象和信譽帶來無窮後患，政府急忙澄清。
運動的第十八周乃政府連串諮詢會完結之時，黃背心控訴馬克龍以「假諮詢」收買人心，號召全國大型集會，而各省的黃背心均有隊伍到巴黎響應「重奪凱旋門」。豈料當天多隊黑群（black bloc）和前線勇武派成員打砸和焚燒多間名店，更火燒路邊無關的報紙檔，又釀成多番警民衝突。雖有行動者立即發出聲明表示「不割席」，解釋被破壞餐廳乃前總統的愛好，名店是社會不公的象徵，又堅持示威者還擊警察乃防衛手段等等……但大眾（甚至不少溫和的黃背心）對當天行動的暴力程度仍是極度反感和抗拒。其後幾星期黑群的持續參與和焚燒行動引來更多人的反彈，令黃背心在五一大遊行後正式步向衰亡。
黃背心衰亡的八大原因
一、政府的分化與抹黑：社運素人在黃背心中佔過半數比例，法案一撤回，大部分經驗不多的素人雖然心有不甘，仍頓時「收貨」。
二、初衷被遺忘：法案被撤後，政府和與其友好的媒體直接或間接地營造着黃背心「貪得無厭、見好不願收」之形象。馬克龍回絕富人稅訴求後，抗爭者並無堅持，反而轉移重點至反警暴等，令運動予人失焦感覺。
三、過於依賴反警暴論述：依賴暴力問題來維持運動人氣乃一把極危險的雙刃劍——警暴早期一般容易招來大眾同情和關注，但它同時很容易讓抗爭者跌進仇警情緒中，與一般未能親身體會警暴的大眾間築起一道溝通上的鴻溝。大眾會因為不斷出現的暴力畫面而漸變得無感或麻木，甚至感到煩厭。若警民衝突不斷持續，卻沒有更衝擊性的警暴醜聞證據，大眾在反警暴的蜜月期過後，更可能有blame the victims趨勢，將責任推回抗爭者身上。
四、示威者陣營的分化：政治和社運素人佔抗爭者的大多數，意味它與傳統法國左翼社運存在着溝通上、論述上和策略上的重大分野，容易產生派系分歧。雖然運動着重反大台，但仍不時受一些意見領袖影響，當中擅長陰謀論的Flyrider遭不少溫和派否定和排斥。另外，極左和極右勢力也有嘗試培植召集人和意見領袖，一方面高喊「拆大台」，但另一方面又試圖帶領運動論述，對運動構成一定負面形象，最終逼到不少apolitique（非左非右的政治素人）人士與其割席。到歐盟大選之前，有人提出以「支持」極右的勒龐來與「和理非」「攬炒」以抗衡馬克龍，最終釀成友方陣營更嚴重的分裂。
五、對勇武抗爭的抗拒或厭倦：前線人士一般被分為三類——黑群、打砸者（casseur）和盜竊者（voleur）。黑群通常穿full gear連群結隊，在前線擋着警方推進（有時甚至還擊），有些則打砸具象徵意義的死物，向政權進行控訴。黑群到第十八周前，在普遍參與者中認受性仍挺高，因不少人認為黑群有衝擊警方防線和保護後方作用。但後期因焚燒了無辜店舖（如獨立小店），hit-and-run策略亦不時連累無辜群眾被警方攻擊或拘捕，開始與黑群割席。正如旗手之一的Cédric跟筆者提到：「黑群打砸完後拍拍屁股便走了，吃催淚彈的卻是我們。」
打砸者則未必一定full gear，通常單獨出沒，所砸之對象不一定帶有政治信息，行動偶爾響應黑群，更多情况如社區組織者Stéphanie解釋：「我們根本難以分清他們是貪過癮，還是為保護示威者或控訴政權而打砸。」某些甚至與盜竊者無異，於行動現場趁火打砸，破壞運動。當割席時大眾和傳媒卻將三者混為一談。
六、年輕世代的缺席：總統講話後，警方開始進行全面打壓，年初於Mantes-la-Jolie甚至有警方進校拘捕，並迫使學生面壁下跪。年輕世代的參與因而止於萌芽之時，加上左翼未有共識，各大學學生會只好個別動員，窒礙了大專界的參與。
七、媒體戰敗陣：基於早期運動未有工會支持，定性尚未清晰，媒體報道一般未見正面；某些親建制媒體如Figaro和Bfmtv（猶如法版TVB）更多番抹黑示威者，抗爭者與媒體的惡劣關係惡性循環，令整場運動得不到媒體支持。
八、運動大論述轉型的失敗：黃背心早期的成功全賴建基於「燃油稅→被遺忘的貧苦大眾→環保與社會公義環環緊扣 」的方程式上，並將其化約成「眾怒反燃油稅」（France en colère contre taxe carbone）的大論述。然而，總統講話後，此方程式便不成立，抗爭者必須將與方程式相關的元素加進去，重整方程式，以轉型論述。可是，黃背心卻在此節骨眼上失策。他們後來雖提出全民公投和憲法改革兩項訴求，文宣既不完整又不普及，未能使公眾明白和體會與環保或社會公義有何關連。
反送中運動
無大台組織一直乃黃背心和反送中的致勝關鍵，因政府難以通過收編領袖以瓦解運動；同時，無領袖牽頭的模式可避免了不少派系間的奪權狀况，也減低論述被騎劫的風險。黃背心運動仍着重意見領袖的言論，最終躲不過一定程度的派系之爭；相反，反送中人士着重求同存異，否定任何意見領袖對他派言論的攻擊，讓運動一直團結至今。而香港抗爭者對社交平台使用的出神入化，連登和各社交媒體在香港充當了抗爭者之間自我組織的有利平台；相比之下，黃背心既無類似連登的平台，在Telegram上的使用大多還停留在動員（而非組織）的功能上，組織的工作還是高度依賴朋友圈之間的溝通，大大窒礙了運動的跨群組、跨階層、跨地區發展。
論述決定行動，從而使運動變得可能。因此，在「反送中」論述逐漸褪色的情况下，大論述轉型尤其關鍵，不然運動只會步黃背心的後塵。同時，新的大論述不止要重新扣連社會各階層的利益，更要響應追求自由、民主等普世價值，從而爭取更大的國際支持，令香港的抗爭不至被孤立。當中文宣和論述戰與前線抗爭同樣重要，因為失去論述支持，前線的一切行動（不論「和理非」或勇武）皆變得空洞無力，也難以引發更進一步的行動。綜觀剩下的四大訴求中，真雙普選是暫時被抗爭者文宣刻畫最少，卻最有價值的論述戰場。試想真正能讓香港在未來不再掉進猶如送中法案的危機，唯一出路就是真雙普選，徹底地解決政府、議會從不問責於市民的結構性問題。五年前，真普選論述未至於深入民心，不少中間派的上一代人認為年輕世代不切實際，只懂追求對社會無甚好處的「民主」。然而，反送中一役讓不少淺黃、中間派甚至淺藍人士認清，民主其實與自身安危環環相扣，真普選訴求因此變得不再抽象，亦能扣連其他三大訴求，實乃將其打造成取代反送中大論述的大好時機。
堅守剩餘三大訴求固然重要，但與黃背心相似之處是，抗爭者在過去兩個月不斷強調反警暴，有時甚至超過反送中論述，令一場爭取自由、對抗極權的運動淪為與國家機器的鬥爭。前工會領袖Alain指：「近日主流新聞的畫面都只聚焦在前線，因為能吸引眼球。現在連Hong Kong Free Press也只聚焦在暴力場面。我明白他們想呈現警暴的可怕，但人們對『暴力畫面』是會產生疲態，繼而麻木。反送中之前能吸引外國人目光，正正因為其多元和創意，以及對民主的追求，而非一般的『示威者被毆場面』。」只是向外媒或政客輸出「人道危機」說法，顯然乏力。畢竟論警暴，法國現在真的不輸香港。只有當文宣重新包裝論述，將運動背後更着重的價值——自由、民主、人權，甚至命運自主——呈現出來，香港這場運動才能保留其獨有的魅力。
近日維吾爾族被文化清洗的情况愈來愈受西方社會關注，成為中西意識形態之爭的新戰場。早、中期的黃背心未有連結國際上同類群體的眼光，今天香港的抗爭應脫離地緣政治的形象，嘗試連結其他地方的抗爭，才能建立起國際連線，對抗極權暴政。維族人早前對香港抗爭的加持，讓西方社會的維權組織明白到：昨日新疆，今日香港，明日西方！
此外，香港的抗爭至今如此成功，媒體功不可沒。反送中另一比黃背心優勝之處，乃着重fact-check、不擁抱陰謀論的文化，讓運動中的文宣在外媒的眼中保留了很高的參考價值。最後，筆者必須指出在運動內盡量限制武力使用的重要性。暴力於現今全球運動中已愈來愈不受歡迎，連被喻為勇武的法國人，也對打砸、焚燒行動愈來愈抗拒。從策略角度看，大幅度的勇武抗爭難以獲得外界支持；而失去外國與媒體支持的話，政府「關門打狗」的話香港人也難以奈何。况且，回顧歷史，真正的勇武革命在近代的成功率極細，成功案例也通常與軍政府有關；在一般發達地區中，基於既定的營商環境優勢（有時反成限制），採納「和理非」策略的運動反而相對有號召力。當然，香港現正幾近淪陷至police state，前線抗爭者使用武力防禦而非進行攻擊的話，是有一定「合理性」。然而，這份「合理性」在現今全球「和理非」氣候中，顯得一點也不理所當然；如果沒了文宣在背後支撐，運動很快便引來詬病。以法國媒體為例，七一立法會一役由於使用節制性武力，且得到文宣強力支援，陳述事態來龍去脈，巴黎整體的報道算是非常正面，但後來有前線抗爭者擲汽油彈，由於未有大幅度的文宣和論述支撐，媒體的報道好壞參半。而於港鐵內的「跳閘」事件，也因為在「走票」與公民抗命間的爭論未做好論述工作，在媒體的效果也遠差於實况，影響了整體運動的形象。
同時，若政府姿態表現出「軟化」（如提出撤回或「溝通」），而前線卻將武力升級的話，中間派大眾會開始對運動產生厭惡感，從而離棄運動，並慢慢地認為抗爭者被「藍絲群眾」襲擊也無可厚非。而當愈來愈多中間派對運動進行「割席」時，媒體的報道便會出現變化，讓運動慢慢地喪失外國支持——默克爾早前訪華時，她雖然表示支持香港人爭取民主自由，但不忘譴責運動所出現的暴力。當政府開始提出「撤回」時，在運動轉型的節骨眼，抗爭者須經常保持理智，以建構新論述，保持運動的政治能量。不忘為香港犧牲付出的義士之同時，「和」或「勇」僅為策略，抗爭者須觀察並順應大眾反應調整策略；「be water，煲底見！」
Source: 楊健偉（巴黎第七大學政治哲學博士研究生）《明報》周日話題
https://news.mingpao.com/pns/%E5%89%AF%E5%88%8A/article/20190915/s00005/1568484310049/%E5%91%A8%E6%97%A5%E8%A9%B1%E9%A1%8C-%E3%80%8C%E5%8F%8D%E9%80%81%E4%B8%AD%E3%80%8D%E9%81%8B%E5%8B%95%E5%A6%82%E4%BD%95%E4%B8%8D%E9%87%8D%E8%B9%88%E9%BB%83%E8%83%8C%E5%BF%83%E8%A6%86%E8%BD%8D
Wednesday, September 11, 2019
【蘋人誌】歷劫不動城邦──陳雲
「婆羅洲有個蘭芳共和國。」陳雲憶述這個童年時聽來的傳說。他相信「呢個係海外華人建國嘅唯一例子。」
在元朗八鄉橫台山客家村長大的陳雲，於五、六歲的時候，從世叔伯口中聽到這個發生在「咸豐年代」的客家人海外建國的故事。未知是否就是他城邦論的萌芽。
「客家人第一次喺印尼加里曼丹建立蘭芳共和國，後尾俾荷蘭人打敗咗。其後借屍還魂去咗星加坡，但係星加坡唔係華人國家。」《香港城邦論》作者、「粉絲」口中的「國師」，陳雲如是說。
一本正經的學者眼中，陳雲確實有點「神神化化」：一時開壇作法，一時說天邊已出現大鵬金翅鳥；對於行不公義的人，也會施以「皇天擊殺」的詛咒。
陳雲是德國哥廷根大學民族學博士，德意志帝國的締造者卑斯麥的校友。對於經常被人說「冇食藥」，陳雲說，「如果喺網上玩言論，唔係咁，揾鬼睇咩！」他認為自己白紙黑字的文章，都有紋有路，只可以說「嗰啲人冇幽默感。」
撰文：黎加路
攝影：易仰民
發夢始祖 繼續爭取普選
時下年青人的「發夢說」，陳雲也許是始祖。他說：「有時我會借嗰啲嘢避開啲法律責任。好似話呢啲係上天講畀我聽嘅嘢。」
喜談勇武的陳雲，卻認為跟極權應鬥智力，而非武力。講起歷時兩個多月的反送中運動，他說：「今次唔係美國介入，輸到仆街！」
曾經協助前任民政局長何志平在政府工作11年的陳雲，坦言政府「其實依家犯嘅已經係戰爭罪行，係來自最高層嘅指令。咁，高層要集體自了，品質咁差。」對於眼前的困局，陳雲卻異常樂觀，尤其是對9月9日美國國會復會，開始審議《香港民主及人權法案》。「到時只要監護住普選，之後再要處理呢班人，但冇普選係解決唔到嘅。」國師這樣認為。
陳雲的籍貫是寶安深圳觀瀾，客家人。阿爺離鄉別井，到婆羅洲沙巴謀生，父親在南洋成長。像不少愛國華僑那樣，陳父上世紀50年代回國報效祖國，失望之餘返回深圳鄉下，伺機偷渡香港，輾轉在八鄉北部的橫台山落腳，從事中醫藥工作，育有五個孩子。排行第二的陳雲，在屯門醫院出世，其母替他取名雲根。陳雲說，「雲根在客家話中是指山上嘅岩石。」
60年代的橫台山，家家戶戶插五星紅旗，是一個連警察也不敢隨便進入的「紅色根據地」。陳雲自言在農牧工會長大，上過初級的毛澤東選集學習班，成日要演講，學游說。陳雲在愛國的橫台山小學上學，他回憶稱，「我細個接受過戰爭教育，經歷過民兵訓練。嗰陣時要响兩個山頭度，大家拎住假槍，用棯樹啲葉紮住頭，扮游擊隊，搶對方軍旗，將對方打走、捉戰俘。」
陳雲說：「所以知道戰爭第一件事係政治同游說囉，唔係打仗，從來都唔係打仗。如果政治上輸咗，戰爭上贏咗都係冇用，嘔番出嚟，依家中共唔係唔識呢套嘢囉。好似土改，殺晒啲地主，打上海……」
訪問在沙田的新城市廣場進行，可能是陳雲就自己的方便，但畢竟這裡是他出戰過的新界東立法會選區，母校中文大學的所在地。
意見太多 民主政府無得留低
80年代初，陳雲在新亞書院唸英文系，住在大學宿舍。九廣鐵路剛從入隧道要關窗的舊式火車，改為舒適的電氣化火車。儘管中英就1997年回歸問題展開談判，事情好像還很遙遠。未填海起樓的吐露港，仍是人間的仙境。
問陳雲修讀英文的原因，他笑言「嗰陣諗住讀英文係去做政務官。好現實嘅，你讀政治，唔係走去搞鬥爭囉，去考政務官，或者考EO（行政主任），都係要睇英文。讀政治，殖民政府對你多顧忌。」
陳雲坦言，86年畢業後，曾經考過AO（政務主任），但係失敗。他憶述，「考完，俾個考官响背後鬧咗一輪。話你呢啲嘢，民主咗就可以做，依家做唔到嘅，太過多嘢講嘞，咁多創建，民主政府就得。」
結果，陳雲做了中文主任，在上水及元朗區議會做文書嘅工作。他形容這是一份可以好hea（懶懶閒）的政府工。幸好因工作之便，加上自身在元朗鄉議局中學畢業，陳雲結識了一些鄉紳及「新界王」，「好似戴權、劉皇發。」結了一個地緣。
只做了半年中文主任，陳雲獲母校提供獎學金及助教工作，返回中大修讀比較文學碩士課程。畢業後，分別在珠海書院、能仁及樹仁學院任教；其間，開始為香港時報的「文化與生活版」供稿。陳雲回憶稱，他是在珠海書院認識黃毓民，時報結交卜少夫。「偶有聚餐，都是卧虎藏龍。學到好多嘢，吸收啲老前輩嘅嘢，成長得好快。」陳雲笑言，「細個喺共產黨基地玩，大個喺國民黨玩。」
赴德進修 回港不做外國人
文曲星高照的陳雲，1990年春天獲獎學金前赴德國哥廷根大學修讀民族學博士學位。他說：「走得好匆忙，手上嘅教學工作都要交畀同事做。」也許是六四事件的緣故，大陸學者未能到德國進修，陳雲在中大的德文老師通知他有這樣的一個機會。陳雲說，「原先想去法國，自己嘅法文比德文好。在中大時，幫過啲大學教授做繙譯，其中一位法國人類學家話要帶我去法國讀書。點知當我畢業時，佢入咗精神病院。」
陳雲笑言，「聽法文老師講，啲法國學者好多到咗中年期，都要入去住（精神病院），好正常。一係就離婚，一係就去大溪地。去大溪地嗰啲比較好啲，當度一度假。」
陳雲以「民族學在中國學科的建立過程」為博士論文題目，研究解放前（1918至1949）的民間歌謠。他自言以德文撰寫的論文，在導師指導下很快完成。留學期間，陳雲加入了「中國民主聯合陣線」，還當上了兩年主席。他解釋稱，「係萬潤南啲門生喺德國做嘅。佢哋有黨爭，選唔到主席。」陳雲幽默地說，游說他做主席的人，「耐咗先知道係大使館啲人。」
陳雲坦言，「民運期間，已經接觸到北方嘅高層。」取得博士學位後，有一位留德學憲法的「北京嘅人」向他說「返香港就可以做官，建立身分。」「你見過漢堡嗰位仁兄啦，幫政府做繙譯、做情報工作，有間屋囉，娶咗老婆，生咗兩個仔，揸架福士仔，咁就成世嘞。」陳雲內心也覺得，留低都係「黐人啲自由用啫。」「即使入咗籍都係一個外國人。」於是在95年尾，返回香港。
「佢有兌現諾言，唔係去咗老懵懂嗰度做嘢囉。」陳雲覺得「北京人」沒有「老點」他。
回港後，陳雲在葉國華的政策研究所工作。他笑言，當其時的招聘廣告，好似為他度身定做，「寫到係要研究文化政策，又要有博士學位，又要熟悉香港嘅嘢，又要喺政府做過嘢。成個香港係得我一個。」陳雲說是他寫信給葉國華。
在研究所內，陳雲認識了副主席何志平。自此以後，陳雲的仕途，一直跟這位著名的眼科醫生連在一起。何志平2000年入藝術發展局任主席，兩年後，獲董建華委任為特區民政事務局局長。十年來，陳雲都是何志平的「文膽」及文化政策的「謀士」。陳雲記得在政府的工作做到07年的7月1日，之後輾轉到了嶺南大學執教鞭。
參考紐西蘭 建立自治城邦
「國師」對2016年循新界東出選立法會議席落敗一事，顯得有點像「方丈份人好小器」，久不久就「幸災樂禍」，說大家當年不懂珍惜他給予香港「永續基本法」的機會。陳雲說：「基本法永續，一定要做。如果嗰陣時做咗，依家冇咁艱難。」他是輸給梁天琦的選舉「替身」梁頌恒，僅差三千多票。
陳雲說，「其實我隱退咗，只不過今次逃犯引渡條例，冇辦法唔出嚟。」他解釋謂，近年「淨係做文化，對外唔會講政治，等啲人知道政治沉悶嘅可怕。」陳雲深深不忿地說：「過去我一路出去，佢哋一路好似當我發癲咁一路鬧。」
自認是「實務政治」的陳雲，談到建國論會否又被譏為癡人說夢。他說，「笑唔笑，結果都係建國，冇第二條出路。你只係建國嘅狀態，畀吓面中共，留番一個自治城邦，同佢有個宗主國關係，好似紐西蘭同英國咁嘅狀態。叫佢落嚟剪吓綵，選到特首，上去畀佢形式上任命吓，護照有佢中華人民共和國嘅名。」
有「粉絲」在反送中運動高舉美國國旗，吸引到外國媒體的報道，陳雲笑言，已成功令到美國將《香港民主及人權及法案》放到國會的議事日程。他認為「美國立法幫香港普選，呢啲都係『條約政治』。」陳雲指卑斯麥就是用條約政治，建立帝國。
「國師」幻想，如果有朝一日，華夏建國，他就是繼卑斯麥之後，成為哥廷根大學的著名政治校友了。「華英共和國」的國歌，也許又是上天給他的報夢：皇皇香港，育我長我地方。皇皇香港，歷劫不動城邦。華英並茂，古今交集，流芳百世有我承當。九七風霜，淪落蠻荒，美好家園……。
 |
| 常被人說「冇食藥」，陳雲認為自己白紙黑字的文章都有紋有路，只可以說「嗰啲人冇幽默感。」 |
 |
| 談到建國論會否又被譏為痴人說夢。他說，「笑唔笑，結果都係建國，冇第二條出路。你只係建國嘅狀態，畀吓面中共，留番一個自治城邦，同佢有個宗主國關係。」 |
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| 陳雲過去曾是何志平的「文膽」及文化政策的「謀士」，在政府的工作做到07年的7月1日，之後輾轉到了嶺南大學執教鞭。 |
Source: 蘋果日報
https://hk.appledaily.com/local/20190911/RUYZZGTEGHIIBYWHFJRMKYON4Y/
Tuesday, September 10, 2019
香港本土人將會成為戰俘
目前只限新屋嶺，香港人戰敗之後推廣到全港。
Re: https://archiveofgoodarticles.blogspot.com/2014/02/blog-post_21.html
#我曾經見過中共的人，他們就是那種鳥種。香港人不識死，我老早說要中港區隔，修憲自治，香港人當我神經病。
Source: 陳雲
https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10157398914247225
Re: https://archiveofgoodarticles.blogspot.com/2014/02/blog-post_21.html
#我曾經見過中共的人，他們就是那種鳥種。香港人不識死，我老早說要中港區隔，修憲自治，香港人當我神經病。
Source: 陳雲
https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10157398914247225
我一直不願意說出來的委屈
我一直不願意說出來的委屈。革命，是用刀劍及槍砲做的，不是用防毒面具做的。用盾牌做革命，已經是委屈。
我在2016年寫《香港城邦歌》的歌詞，寫了「同道奮起，鐵馬金戈，摧碎離地賣國奸賊黨！刀劍伸張，光芒萬丈，妖魔驅逐不許還鄉」，用的是古代兵器儀仗，很多賤民已經覺得過於武力。當時我沒生氣，只是更加確定香港的前景。
目前用的方法，是陳雲倡議的國際和平運動，借助美國力量來制衡中共的和平運動。2016修憲的自主和平運動過了之後，我改行其他和平運動。大家知道這種委屈嗎？這種委屈，你知道嗎？你願意承認嗎？你們在丟我的老臉，你們知道嗎？很多人，還好意思來搶功勞？你以為我稀罕這種丟臉的所謂功勞嗎？你不知道丟臉，當然很樂意去搶。
（道德門檻：人的道德）
（至於那群共產黨資助的偽港獨繼續在叫喊時代革命，繼續在消耗革命一詞，就由得他們丟臉，因為他們沒臉面可丟。）
Source: 陳雲
https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10157398723497225
我在2016年寫《香港城邦歌》的歌詞，寫了「同道奮起，鐵馬金戈，摧碎離地賣國奸賊黨！刀劍伸張，光芒萬丈，妖魔驅逐不許還鄉」，用的是古代兵器儀仗，很多賤民已經覺得過於武力。當時我沒生氣，只是更加確定香港的前景。
目前用的方法，是陳雲倡議的國際和平運動，借助美國力量來制衡中共的和平運動。2016修憲的自主和平運動過了之後，我改行其他和平運動。大家知道這種委屈嗎？這種委屈，你知道嗎？你願意承認嗎？你們在丟我的老臉，你們知道嗎？很多人，還好意思來搶功勞？你以為我稀罕這種丟臉的所謂功勞嗎？你不知道丟臉，當然很樂意去搶。
（道德門檻：人的道德）
（至於那群共產黨資助的偽港獨繼續在叫喊時代革命，繼續在消耗革命一詞，就由得他們丟臉，因為他們沒臉面可丟。）
Source: 陳雲
https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10157398723497225
Sunday, September 08, 2019
偽港獨夠膽叫獨立，竟然唔夠膽講驅逐共黨
今日美國領事館前請願示威，偽港獨夠膽叫獨立，竟然唔夠膽講驅逐共黨。唔驅逐共黨，香港又點獨立呀老友？共產黨都唔夠膽罵，你點搞民主呀？難道共產黨同偽港獨有親，故此咁難開口？難道偽港獨想共產黨留在香港一齊搞香港獨立？
我們要求香港自治，都要凶共產黨，說要驅逐共黨、天滅中共、全黨死清光，共匪先識得驚，懂得放手給香港自治的。街頭示威也是，你夠膽叫驅逐共黨，光復香港；天滅中共、共產黨全黨死清光，衙差都顧忌幾分，知道你班友玩認真的，真的會上台執政。
（按：香港自治、中港區隔其實對共產黨好，是共產黨自己攞來賤，係都要香港人驅逐他們過深圳河，死返大陸。共產黨看現實效果的，香港自治是幫到共產黨度過目前難關的，共產黨話之你罵他們什麼，罵又罵不死的。共產黨最緊要掌權，有錢用，有西屌，你罵什麼他們是無所謂的。）
Source: 陳雲
https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10157395393952225
Tuesday, August 06, 2019
「你跟他有甚麼分別？」vs「禮尚往來」
「一個是為了傷害對方而攻擊的人，一個是為了保護自己而還擊的人，我們到底哪裡一樣了？」
「如果你也XXX的話，那你跟他有甚麼分別？」完全無視了所有現象發生的背後意思，讓自己所聞所見都只流於表面，真的是很可怕的句型。這種假中立，其實就是站在強權那方。
這叫作「禮尚往來」。
Source: 茶里
Wednesday, July 03, 2019
目前香港的情況
目前香港的情況，給香港人簡單說一下，第四點是給年輕人講的（我一向不以年齡視人，因為有人殉國，這次破例）。其餘的奧秘東西，我在其他場合講。
一、警察武裝力量已經封頂，各位放心做事。Be water, have fun。香港是金融中心、商貿中心、航運轉口樞紐，關乎中共此刻的命脈，也是中共在香港集資和財富儲存的重心地區。國際社會也依賴香港，此地不能警察開火殺人、不能戒嚴、解放軍不能出動鎮壓，其實連國務院總理也不能批評香港，否則觸犯一國兩制，擔當不起。
二、政治上無計可施。過往，港府的最後把戲是派出泛民議員解散群眾示威或勇武社運，美國也拜託泛民維持香港的治安秩序，以免妨礙金融中心及商貿中心的運作。在七月一日晚上，五位男女賣港賊的拙劣表演，大家看過了，沒用啊。今日，即將離任的美國總領事盼望香港恢復秩序，也是無奈的呼籲。泛民也是老美的打手，這次打手被廢了武功，老美就要直接處理香港的事，香港有救了。故此打死泛民的代理性，將他們的賣港招牌往死裡打，香港就會得救，方法極為簡單的。
三、香港警隊被政治錯誤領導而犯下彌天大錯，此地的秩序無法恢復，已經陷入systematic disorder（系統性失序）。（這個名詞是我拿來玩的，香港所謂的系統性失序，定義是沒有陳雲做特首的情況而已，沒其他的社會學政治學定義的。）除非來一次立法會普選，大洗牌，重新列位，此地會陷入拆件式的和平狀態（dislocated peaceful order）。這是後現代的社會狀態，也是香港獨有的狀態，如何描述，智力高超的會懂得，至於如何拆解、如何恢復良好秩序，只有我懂得，我遲些用沙龍講座的環境思考和解釋。
四、年輕人已經自殺明志，此地已有三位青年甘願為香港流血及殉命。血祭已經足夠，香港可以建國。如果不是格外浪漫與珣麗的美學自殺，不必再來啦。讀好中文、練好書法、讀好歷代的絕命詞，選一個日值歲破的大凶日子來寫遺書不遲，這大概要十幾年功夫啊，期間民主已經來臨，大把嘢做，自殺都唔得閒想。事不過三，重複沒意思的。請耐心等待中美碰撞、香港階級碰撞而給予香港的普選機會。普選是基本法寫明的，必會實現。期間我會引領着情況的，當然，這需要人力物力。
五、我這一代，生於二次大戰之後的傳奇年代，我也慶幸童年在仍是清朝狀態的香港農村度過。不是我特別傑出，而是我的時代突出，我的生長環境突出，什麼時代出什麼人。我會努力將美好的香港預備給你們，必要時我會延長壽命的。原本因為我在香港或世界遇不到對手，連可以觀看的對手也沒有（普京最近批評現代化的講話令我大失所望，他不開口講哲學仍是有魅力的），牌面的、牌底的，都是窩囊廢，對我做的都是下三濫的手段，我有點悶，生不逢時，活得沒癮，想捨壽，不想久留了。但既然有三人為香港殉國，血祭了香港，就多呆一陣子吧。也是多得有幾位青年自願殉國，應了血祭的天機，往後香港可以和平演變，皆大歡喜。
Source: 陳雲
Wednesday, June 12, 2019
作為70後，我深切向青年道歉
1989年的6月，那震撼我們一代的畫面，像癌症一樣，留在我們心霏30年。之後8年，我們經常往啟德機場送機，像《今夜星光燦爛》歌詞，恐怕這晚這個璀璨都市光輝到此。2019年6月12日，明哥的歌曲應驗了。
我悔咎沒有教育父母與他身邊朋友
作為逃難一代後人，我們的父母唔識字，總抱著多一事不如少一事。我們年青時代沒有選擇，一生的目標是努力讀書，考入大學。從小到大，遇到不合理的事，都是多一事，不如少一事。排隊打尖、俾黑社會收陀地、女同學俾飛仔撩，都是多一事不如少一事。
我們做乖仔，長大後向也沒有向父母說不。他們逃難而來，中國開放後，他們相信會有改變，我們沒有教育他們如何認識極權。我們沉醉精英主義，崇尚紙醉金迷，沒有教育他們分辯善惡，沒有好好教育他們向蛇齋餅糉說不。我們熟讀中國歷史，沒有批判犬儒的勇氣。我們從小被灌輸不要理政治，做好事要熱心，對政治要冷感。結果，培養了我們這一代政治潔癖的怪獸。我悔咎沒有教育父母分辨蛇齋餅糉的惡毒，今天被他們擄劫了父母、自己與下一代的自由。作為70後，我對疏忽照顧父母，讓他們投下了魔鬼一票，連累你們今天受盡折磨，深切向今天的香港青年道歉。
我悔咎沒有與同代冷血朋友割蓆
2014年9月，佔領中環發生後，我這代上岸或快將上岸的朋友，向你們指責，我同代的社工同學大部份沒有為你們發聲，就算參與運動，對你們的訴求完全不理解，還大義凛然地指責你們升級，因為你們佔領阻住他們年幼的子女學拉小提琴與打網球，你們的行為影響了樓價。你們無樓住，他們的第二層可能因你們的行為而租值下跌。結果，2016年魚蛋革命令我們一代年青人代失去自由代價。當我們一批以和平形式要求一人一票選特首的和理非非領袖，也步上聖雄甘地的後塵被判入獄，大部份也是無動於衷，我悔咎沒有與同代冷血朋友割蓆，令你們哪份怨憤一直不能釋懷。
年青一代，感謝你們勇敢地站出來，生命很可貴，晚上請回家吧，侏羅紀年代的速龍選擇晚上覓食，你們小心。
年青一代，我們不割蓆、不指責，歷史的對與錯，是由當權者撰寫，不必為一些冷血的中坑、老嘢動氣。
年青一代，我們路線不同，但也是熱愛自由，熱愛香港這片地，你與我都是香港同根生。
作為70後，我深切向80、90、00後青年道歉。我們在殖民地一代長大，老是回顧當年的美好，遇到大事，只是一句我不懂政治，讓你們這十年受盡白眼。當我們的警隊、廉署、教育都赤化，沒有守住你們的核心價值，令你們今天吃盡苦頭。
作為70後，我們透支了你們一代的資源、守不住法治。今天，我們一起同行，就算輸了，我們也與你們一樣，不會認命。
各位與我同代的70後，若你們還有半點良知，在可以的範圍內，放下你們手上的工作，支持下後生仔。佢地同你們的子女一樣，有阿媽生，他們的所作所為，除左為自己，我們每一個香港人都受惠，因為他們替我們爭取免於恐懼的自由！
P.S.唔啱睇既鍾意unfriend就unfriend，因為我相信你同我唔同，你希望生活於極權，不過唔好咁無骨氣，呢頭鬧完班後生，果頭移民走路，要走，請回歸祖國，唔好去美帝同歐洲列強咁無骨氣。
Source: 施建章
Saturday, December 08, 2018
Boasting about how many hours you work is a sign of failure
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| Where's the colony on Mars, hm? |
Talking about how many hours you work is not impressive. Far from being an indication of industrious achievements or alpha status, it should be seen as a professionally embarrassing sign that, quite frankly, you have nothing else to boast about.
Showing off about overwork is now so ubiquitous it's difficult to remember a time when lack of sleep and hours spent at the office weren't talked of with a puff of pride. "We just maximize every hour we can, however we can do it," Twitter executive chairman Omid Kordestani told the Wall Street Journal (paywall) in 2015, explaining that he became chief executive Jack Dorsey's driver so they could talk business as they commute. "When you hear the so-called apocryphal stories about Tim Cook coming to work in the wee hours and staying late," Don Melton, who started Apple's Safari, told Debug podcast in 2014, "It's not just some PR person telling you stories to make you think that Apple executives work really hard like that. They really do that." And, of course, just last month, the patron saint of work boasts, Tesla chief executive Elon Musk, declared that "nobody ever changed the world on 40 hours a week." Musk said in November that he worked 120-hour weeks, and on Twitter claimed that 80 to 100 hours per week is necessary to change the world.
As countless studies have shown, this simply isn't true. Productivity dramatically decreases with longer work hours, and completely drops off once people reach 55 hours of work a week, to the point that, on average, someone working 70 hours in a week achieves no more than a colleague working 15 fewer hours.
The massive, obvious counterpoint to Musk's boasts is that, despite working more than 17 hours a day for weeks on end, Musk hasn't yet changed the world. Not in a real, meaningful sense that will be remembered for generations to come like, say, biologist Charles Darwin, who worked four hours a day, or United States founding father Benjamin Franklin, who was strict about calling it a day after eight hours of work. Sure, Tesla was ahead of the curve on getting the auto industry to go electric but, as Geoffrey James notes in Inc, AltaVista was the first ever search engine and no one says "let me AltaVista that for you." It'll be pretty good going if Tesla manages to make electric cars affordable and replace internal-combustion engines entirely, but that hasn't happened yet. Similarly, SpaceX has made rockets cheaper, which opens up a lot of opportunities, but we've yet to see the consequences. If Musk eventually manages to create a colony on Mars then that, of course, would be world-changing—but I suspect we'd then hear a lot less about how he skips breakfast or doesn't get much sleep, because Musk would have something far more impressive to boast about.
Most people don't have such lofty goals as Musk. But the same principle applies to all those business people and media types who just can't stop banging on and on about how much they do: If they'd actually done something truly, astoundingly brilliant, they wouldn't need to talk about their work ethic to assert their worth. The account executive who trebles a company's income is indisputably a huge asset, and no boss will care if they leave work at 5pm and take lengthy lunch breaks while managing to achieve these results. The same goes for best-selling authors, world-class scientists, and revolutionary politicians: If you achieve stupendous goals, that's all that matters.
It's only when your results are pretty good—a decent sales record, or a few good papers published—that work ethic is over-emphasized as an indication of value. Or, if you're failing to produce quality results, then there's even more of a need to exaggerate working hours as evidence that if someone with your incessant-devotion-to-work and lack-of-personal-life can't achieve major results, then no one can. It's effectively an excuse masquerading as a boast.
Why though, if we know more work doesn't lead to better results, does anyone perceive overworking as "good"? Western society came to see work as virtuous thanks to Christian notions that work—and, in particular, work that involves suffering—is a noble endeavor that brings people closer to God. Though the religious overtones have since been abandoned, long working hours have retained their status as a token of worth. When Musk says you can only change the world if you work 80 hours a week, he's not presenting a serious argument, but is making a moral assertion that working more is inherently good. And so, those who boast about work are inadvertently revealing their devotion to an outdated and thoughtless principle. True world leaders don't need to prove their value by emphasizing their slavish devotion to work. They have better things to do.
Source: Quartz
https://qz.com/co/1290419/boasting-about-how-many-hours-you-work-is-a-sign-of-failure/
Saturday, October 06, 2018
跟足指引、依足程序，標有招、價有格，合情合理合法，但就是利益輸送
沙田呂明才小學單野，其實只係冰山一角。
之前有飯商大大聲咁講，學校管得好嚴，如果搵到證據利益輸送就報ICAC，我真係隔住部電話冷笑一聲。
利益輸送有好多層面，人地傻校長食橙皮，佢呢個傻校長食夾棍，仲要食到出晒面係真心抵捉。但更多更深層次嘅利益輸送，根本無人會睇到，就算睇到都唔會、唔敢講。
大概八、九年前，我曾經賣過兩個月教材，唔係好多，只係兩個月咁大把。我地做銷售嘅，尤其是初出茅廬的新人，通常都係努力打cold call搵客，睇下有冇學校會買我地套教材。
我記得個list有幾頁紙，當中有兩三頁係用紅色間起，上司跟我說這些是「地雷」，佢地會每年都搵唔同教材商quote價，但到最尾都係用返同一個教材商。而有趣的是，那個教材商的產品質素是行業內公認的差，但那間教材出版社，有著濃厚的教會背景，而這些「地雷」學校，也是那一派教會的。
拿，跟足指引、依足程序，標有招、價有格，合情合理合法，就係咁岩都係佢最好，你咬我食呀？神的旨意真的很奇妙，無論如何尋覓，到最後還是能找回失散的弟兄！你報ICAC，我當你係幫神蹟做見證，科主任無收錢、校長無收錢，我仲要自己貼埋錢出去，你耐得我咩何？
不過，你試下一間教會學校的校長，完全唔用同自己宗教派系有關的出版教材？我又想睇下佢可以做到幾耐。
查教育界呢，如果淨係睇數簿，只會捉到呢啲智商低下的「餅卡校長」、「窮遊校長」。但如果你睇埋校長返邊一間教會，簡直是開天眼，你會看到好多你不應該看到的「污糟野」。不過，又唔洗擔心，佢地真係合法，人地讀咁多書都係為左演繹完美的犯罪，所以我總是用欣賞的心態，去觀察教育界的五鬼運財，不，是天降神恩。
不過，唔講啦，反正只要你嗌得夠大聲、夠厚臉皮，就算你話個地球係平嘅都會有人信，何況只係話「根本無利益輸送」？依家仲有班家長繼續撐緊個校長，「繫上紫絲帶，以示支持校長和老師」，依家擺到明違規，都仲可以如此支持；面對法律，你跟我說人情與信任，你說多麼有趣。
幾日前我寫過一次，今日我再寫多一次：很多人在雞蛋與高牆之間，往往會選擇高牆，但總是不知廉恥地聲稱那不過是厚一點的蛋殼。
Source: 倫敦人妻先生手記
https://www.facebook.com/mrwifelondon/posts/688537674859159
之前有飯商大大聲咁講，學校管得好嚴，如果搵到證據利益輸送就報ICAC，我真係隔住部電話冷笑一聲。
利益輸送有好多層面，人地傻校長食橙皮，佢呢個傻校長食夾棍，仲要食到出晒面係真心抵捉。但更多更深層次嘅利益輸送，根本無人會睇到，就算睇到都唔會、唔敢講。
大概八、九年前，我曾經賣過兩個月教材，唔係好多，只係兩個月咁大把。我地做銷售嘅，尤其是初出茅廬的新人，通常都係努力打cold call搵客，睇下有冇學校會買我地套教材。
我記得個list有幾頁紙，當中有兩三頁係用紅色間起，上司跟我說這些是「地雷」，佢地會每年都搵唔同教材商quote價，但到最尾都係用返同一個教材商。而有趣的是，那個教材商的產品質素是行業內公認的差，但那間教材出版社，有著濃厚的教會背景，而這些「地雷」學校，也是那一派教會的。
拿，跟足指引、依足程序，標有招、價有格，合情合理合法，就係咁岩都係佢最好，你咬我食呀？神的旨意真的很奇妙，無論如何尋覓，到最後還是能找回失散的弟兄！你報ICAC，我當你係幫神蹟做見證，科主任無收錢、校長無收錢，我仲要自己貼埋錢出去，你耐得我咩何？
不過，你試下一間教會學校的校長，完全唔用同自己宗教派系有關的出版教材？我又想睇下佢可以做到幾耐。
查教育界呢，如果淨係睇數簿，只會捉到呢啲智商低下的「餅卡校長」、「窮遊校長」。但如果你睇埋校長返邊一間教會，簡直是開天眼，你會看到好多你不應該看到的「污糟野」。不過，又唔洗擔心，佢地真係合法，人地讀咁多書都係為左演繹完美的犯罪，所以我總是用欣賞的心態，去觀察教育界的五鬼運財，不，是天降神恩。
不過，唔講啦，反正只要你嗌得夠大聲、夠厚臉皮，就算你話個地球係平嘅都會有人信，何況只係話「根本無利益輸送」？依家仲有班家長繼續撐緊個校長，「繫上紫絲帶，以示支持校長和老師」，依家擺到明違規，都仲可以如此支持；面對法律，你跟我說人情與信任，你說多麼有趣。
幾日前我寫過一次，今日我再寫多一次：很多人在雞蛋與高牆之間，往往會選擇高牆，但總是不知廉恥地聲稱那不過是厚一點的蛋殼。
Source: 倫敦人妻先生手記
https://www.facebook.com/mrwifelondon/posts/688537674859159
Tuesday, August 21, 2018
蔡英文︰中華民國在台灣本來就是獨立國家，沒必要搞獨立公投和改國名
摘要
台薩斷交，蔡英文說中華民國台灣是各主要政黨的底線，要團結一致，合力守住「主權」的共同底線。李登輝也說從未主張過台灣獨立，因為台灣已經實質獨立。「底線」這兩個字很清楚，可見中華民國在台灣本來就是獨立的國家，沒必要搞獨立公投和改國名。彭文正等假台獨詐騙集團政論節目的改國名獨立公投，只是為私利譁眾取寵搏收視率而已，這種政論節目還是別看了吧。
我拿的是中華民國身分證，沒有中華人民共和國身份證。所以我是中華民國人民，不是中華人民共和國人民，這是很清楚的事。
正文
台薩斷交，蔡英文呼籲團結守住主權共同底線。蔡英文說：「（原音）以中華民國（台灣）之名的外交關係被破壞，就是挑戰我們共同的底線，壓迫我們的邦交國，以跟中華民國（台灣）斷交為建交的前提，就是對我國主權的侵犯。」可見民進黨的底線是中華民國在台灣本來就是獨立的，不是假台獨詐騙集團的改國名獨立公投。「底線」這兩個字很清楚，不是假台獨詐騙集團政論節目的改國名獨立公投。
彭文正主張改國名獨立公投，也被李登輝打臉。李登輝說台灣的中華民國與中華人民共和國，都是個別的「存在」。能夠以台灣之名而存在，才是唯一的重點。
他進一步說︰「其實我從未主張過台灣獨立，因為台灣已經實質獨立，沒必要在國際社會作出引起爭執的發言。此舉更讓中國解放軍毫無藉口對台再次動武，以轉移自身社會對立的高度矛盾。」
這裡李登輝只說對了一半，中華民國在台灣本來就是獨立的，沒有存在改國號與獨立公投的必要。因為︰
1. 中華民國自孫中山建國以後就是獨立的，政府逃到台灣來以後還是獨立的，何時沒獨立了？就像宋朝被金國趕到南宋，南宋沒獨立嗎？中國歷史上還有所謂五代十「國」，每一個都是獨立的國家。本來就獨立的，不需要公投，獨立公投是想獨立未獨立國家在做的事。比如蘇格蘭獨立公投。
2. 聯合國不承認中華民國，是因為中華人民共和國的關係。大陸市場大，它是用市場脅迫其他國家不承認中華民國，這應該不是新聞吧。不承認的「因」在中華人民共和國，改國號還是會因中華人民共和國的阻擋而進不了聯合國，彭P該不會天真的以為改國號中華人民共和國就不擋了吧，中華人民共和國一句不承認台灣獨立就封殺了。別忘了，中華人民共和國是聯合國五個常任理事國之一。（看他的作文的確很天真。）
3. 中華民國政府逃到台灣，不管是逃亡還是佔領，就是在台灣立足了，有人民土地政府主權，因為有主權所以選總統也不用再往上報要誰同意，這是不可否認的事實。我拿的是中華民國身分證，用的是中華民國發行的貨幣，我沒有中華人民共和國身份證。所以我是中華民國人民，不是中華人民共和國人民，這是很清楚的事。
4. 歷史上的中國領土變來變去，「中國」自古只是俗稱，沒甚麼多大意義。看各朝代小說，比如西遊記對外國都是稱「大唐」，沒在稱「中國」的。各朝代小說或文學作品是當時民間的通稱，騙不了人的，「中國」只有近代常用。正式的來說，如果中華民國會和中華人民共和國混淆，對外就強調台灣或ROC的簡稱也無妨，中華人民共和國簡稱是PRC，那就不會弄錯了。其實中華民國會和中華人民共和國就像香港和香港腳都是基本詞，是不同的事，差一字差很大。像牛頓定律也是基本詞，不能再拆開單字和「牛」有甚麼關係。幾內亞、巴布亞紐幾內亞、幾內亞比索、赤道幾內亞，都有「幾內亞」，卻是四個不同的國家。中非共和國與南非共和國也類似有Africa和African，蘇丹（Republic of the Sudan）和南蘇丹（Republic of South Sudan）也都有Sudan，且只差一字，但都是不同國的聯合國成員。
5. 有人說國共內戰未結束，還不能決定台灣是否獨立，這是邏輯不通的說法。不過不管戰爭有沒有結束，都不影響中華民國的獨立性。中華民國自孫中山建國以後就是獨立的，政府逃到台灣來以後還是獨立的，且中華民國先於中華人民共和國獨立，中華民國的獨立性早就被世界公認，不需後來建立的中華人民共和國承認。中華人民共和國沒把中華民國滅掉，中華民國還是獨立的，戰爭沒結束只是說明沒滅掉而已。
6. 有人拿憲法疆域來說中華民國未獨立，其實那也是錯的。憲法第１條就是中華民國基於三民主義，為民有民治民享之民主共和國。就說明獨立性。至於疆域是否修正，和獨立性沒甚麼關係。一個人被打到缺手缺腳，只要還活著就是活著。而且後來中華民國憲法增修條文也講中華民國自由地區，等於把中國大陸區隔了，實際上雙方本來就管不到。
7. 有人說聯合國不承認中華民國所以沒獨立，這也是錯的。我拿的是中華民國身分證，出國是用中華民國護照，全世界119個國家免簽，比中華人民共和國多得多。中華民國沒進聯合國還不是活得好好的，也沒吃草根啃樹皮，國民所得也在全球人口15%以內，超越聯合國大部份國家。當然，能進聯合國很好，沒進也不是要到哭天號地的地步。拿聯合國不承認來說嘴是很有趣的事。
8. 你是男人，但有流氓強迫你身邊的人說你是女人，你就變女人了嗎？況且當初聯合國大會第2758號決議全文是把中華民國從聯合國驅逐出去，承認中華人民共和國。驅逐出去並不代表滅國，別搞錯了。
9. 瑞士是在2002年公投加入聯合國，如果不在聯合國代表「沒獨立，不是國家」，那2002年以前的瑞士是沒獨立沒主權不是國家了。主張不入聯就沒主權不是國家是很荒謬的事，聯合國只是一個國際組織，聯合國決議也不是所有人都買帳，聯合國通過全球禁止核武條約，美英法也不買帳。
10. 從時間上而言，中華民國本來就是獨立的。後來的中華人民共和國若也獨立，那就是一邊一國，是中華人民共和國自己造成兩國論，責任不在中華民國。這從歷史順序上很清楚。
11. 社會上很多似是而非脫離現實的架空言論，比如有人瞎扯國際法，說中華民國在台灣未獨立。其實沒有一個國家獨立的時候是去翻國際法，請國際法庭審判獨立的。美國獨立的時候是去翻國際法獨立的嗎？孫中山推翻滿清建立中華民國是去翻國際法推翻和建國的嗎？假台獨歷史教授以及政論節目的架空幻想小說看太多了，不相關的東西拿來比擬，對現實完全脫節。可是那些假台獨歷史教授以及政論節目，拿著中華民國身分證死抱著印中華民國的鈔票，還數得很高興耶。
兩岸應該彼此合作而不是對立，對於中華人民共和國經濟改善，我也給予無限祝福。如果能像中國歷史上五代十「國」，在中國下每一個都是獨立的國家，沒有誰代表誰，都是國際平等的，擁有自己外交主權、彼此承認，這樣我也不反對。但就現實面，中華民國在台灣本來就是獨立的，這是事實。中華民國用台灣當識別並無不可，因為護照封面也是打Taiwan。講「中華民國在台澎金馬太平島綠島」，很長又不好用，沒有太大實質意義，在一般地球儀就只看的見台灣，所以護照用台灣也具代表性，對外國人也容易解釋。講ROC也可以和PRC作區別。中華民國並不存在浪費錢和沒有效果的改國號與獨立公投的必要。彭文正的改國名獨立公投只是為私利譁眾取寵搏收視率而已，這種政論節目還是別看了吧。
Source: 社會觀感追追追
https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=226876517986456
https://www.facebook.com/charles.chen.5437/posts/1825588050809857?__tn__=K-R
台薩斷交，蔡英文說中華民國台灣是各主要政黨的底線，要團結一致，合力守住「主權」的共同底線。李登輝也說從未主張過台灣獨立，因為台灣已經實質獨立。「底線」這兩個字很清楚，可見中華民國在台灣本來就是獨立的國家，沒必要搞獨立公投和改國名。彭文正等假台獨詐騙集團政論節目的改國名獨立公投，只是為私利譁眾取寵搏收視率而已，這種政論節目還是別看了吧。
我拿的是中華民國身分證，沒有中華人民共和國身份證。所以我是中華民國人民，不是中華人民共和國人民，這是很清楚的事。
正文
台薩斷交，蔡英文呼籲團結守住主權共同底線。蔡英文說：「（原音）以中華民國（台灣）之名的外交關係被破壞，就是挑戰我們共同的底線，壓迫我們的邦交國，以跟中華民國（台灣）斷交為建交的前提，就是對我國主權的侵犯。」可見民進黨的底線是中華民國在台灣本來就是獨立的，不是假台獨詐騙集團的改國名獨立公投。「底線」這兩個字很清楚，不是假台獨詐騙集團政論節目的改國名獨立公投。
彭文正主張改國名獨立公投，也被李登輝打臉。李登輝說台灣的中華民國與中華人民共和國，都是個別的「存在」。能夠以台灣之名而存在，才是唯一的重點。
他進一步說︰「其實我從未主張過台灣獨立，因為台灣已經實質獨立，沒必要在國際社會作出引起爭執的發言。此舉更讓中國解放軍毫無藉口對台再次動武，以轉移自身社會對立的高度矛盾。」
這裡李登輝只說對了一半，中華民國在台灣本來就是獨立的，沒有存在改國號與獨立公投的必要。因為︰
1. 中華民國自孫中山建國以後就是獨立的，政府逃到台灣來以後還是獨立的，何時沒獨立了？就像宋朝被金國趕到南宋，南宋沒獨立嗎？中國歷史上還有所謂五代十「國」，每一個都是獨立的國家。本來就獨立的，不需要公投，獨立公投是想獨立未獨立國家在做的事。比如蘇格蘭獨立公投。
2. 聯合國不承認中華民國，是因為中華人民共和國的關係。大陸市場大，它是用市場脅迫其他國家不承認中華民國，這應該不是新聞吧。不承認的「因」在中華人民共和國，改國號還是會因中華人民共和國的阻擋而進不了聯合國，彭P該不會天真的以為改國號中華人民共和國就不擋了吧，中華人民共和國一句不承認台灣獨立就封殺了。別忘了，中華人民共和國是聯合國五個常任理事國之一。（看他的作文的確很天真。）
3. 中華民國政府逃到台灣，不管是逃亡還是佔領，就是在台灣立足了，有人民土地政府主權，因為有主權所以選總統也不用再往上報要誰同意，這是不可否認的事實。我拿的是中華民國身分證，用的是中華民國發行的貨幣，我沒有中華人民共和國身份證。所以我是中華民國人民，不是中華人民共和國人民，這是很清楚的事。
4. 歷史上的中國領土變來變去，「中國」自古只是俗稱，沒甚麼多大意義。看各朝代小說，比如西遊記對外國都是稱「大唐」，沒在稱「中國」的。各朝代小說或文學作品是當時民間的通稱，騙不了人的，「中國」只有近代常用。正式的來說，如果中華民國會和中華人民共和國混淆，對外就強調台灣或ROC的簡稱也無妨，中華人民共和國簡稱是PRC，那就不會弄錯了。其實中華民國會和中華人民共和國就像香港和香港腳都是基本詞，是不同的事，差一字差很大。像牛頓定律也是基本詞，不能再拆開單字和「牛」有甚麼關係。幾內亞、巴布亞紐幾內亞、幾內亞比索、赤道幾內亞，都有「幾內亞」，卻是四個不同的國家。中非共和國與南非共和國也類似有Africa和African，蘇丹（Republic of the Sudan）和南蘇丹（Republic of South Sudan）也都有Sudan，且只差一字，但都是不同國的聯合國成員。
5. 有人說國共內戰未結束，還不能決定台灣是否獨立，這是邏輯不通的說法。不過不管戰爭有沒有結束，都不影響中華民國的獨立性。中華民國自孫中山建國以後就是獨立的，政府逃到台灣來以後還是獨立的，且中華民國先於中華人民共和國獨立，中華民國的獨立性早就被世界公認，不需後來建立的中華人民共和國承認。中華人民共和國沒把中華民國滅掉，中華民國還是獨立的，戰爭沒結束只是說明沒滅掉而已。
6. 有人拿憲法疆域來說中華民國未獨立，其實那也是錯的。憲法第１條就是中華民國基於三民主義，為民有民治民享之民主共和國。就說明獨立性。至於疆域是否修正，和獨立性沒甚麼關係。一個人被打到缺手缺腳，只要還活著就是活著。而且後來中華民國憲法增修條文也講中華民國自由地區，等於把中國大陸區隔了，實際上雙方本來就管不到。
7. 有人說聯合國不承認中華民國所以沒獨立，這也是錯的。我拿的是中華民國身分證，出國是用中華民國護照，全世界119個國家免簽，比中華人民共和國多得多。中華民國沒進聯合國還不是活得好好的，也沒吃草根啃樹皮，國民所得也在全球人口15%以內，超越聯合國大部份國家。當然，能進聯合國很好，沒進也不是要到哭天號地的地步。拿聯合國不承認來說嘴是很有趣的事。
8. 你是男人，但有流氓強迫你身邊的人說你是女人，你就變女人了嗎？況且當初聯合國大會第2758號決議全文是把中華民國從聯合國驅逐出去，承認中華人民共和國。驅逐出去並不代表滅國，別搞錯了。
9. 瑞士是在2002年公投加入聯合國，如果不在聯合國代表「沒獨立，不是國家」，那2002年以前的瑞士是沒獨立沒主權不是國家了。主張不入聯就沒主權不是國家是很荒謬的事，聯合國只是一個國際組織，聯合國決議也不是所有人都買帳，聯合國通過全球禁止核武條約，美英法也不買帳。
10. 從時間上而言，中華民國本來就是獨立的。後來的中華人民共和國若也獨立，那就是一邊一國，是中華人民共和國自己造成兩國論，責任不在中華民國。這從歷史順序上很清楚。
11. 社會上很多似是而非脫離現實的架空言論，比如有人瞎扯國際法，說中華民國在台灣未獨立。其實沒有一個國家獨立的時候是去翻國際法，請國際法庭審判獨立的。美國獨立的時候是去翻國際法獨立的嗎？孫中山推翻滿清建立中華民國是去翻國際法推翻和建國的嗎？假台獨歷史教授以及政論節目的架空幻想小說看太多了，不相關的東西拿來比擬，對現實完全脫節。可是那些假台獨歷史教授以及政論節目，拿著中華民國身分證死抱著印中華民國的鈔票，還數得很高興耶。
兩岸應該彼此合作而不是對立，對於中華人民共和國經濟改善，我也給予無限祝福。如果能像中國歷史上五代十「國」，在中國下每一個都是獨立的國家，沒有誰代表誰，都是國際平等的，擁有自己外交主權、彼此承認，這樣我也不反對。但就現實面，中華民國在台灣本來就是獨立的，這是事實。中華民國用台灣當識別並無不可，因為護照封面也是打Taiwan。講「中華民國在台澎金馬太平島綠島」，很長又不好用，沒有太大實質意義，在一般地球儀就只看的見台灣，所以護照用台灣也具代表性，對外國人也容易解釋。講ROC也可以和PRC作區別。中華民國並不存在浪費錢和沒有效果的改國號與獨立公投的必要。彭文正的改國名獨立公投只是為私利譁眾取寵搏收視率而已，這種政論節目還是別看了吧。
Source: 社會觀感追追追
https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=226876517986456
https://www.facebook.com/charles.chen.5437/posts/1825588050809857?__tn__=K-R
Sunday, July 15, 2018
5 Ways To Say “No” Without Hurting Someone’s Feelings
"No" might be short and simple word, but lots of us have trouble declining requests.
We often worry about hurting someone else's feelings even if we really don't want to do as they ask.
Most of us value our relationships, and sometimes we decide that it's worth going along with what someone else wants if it means avoiding an argument.
Unfortunately, saying "Yes" when you really mean "No" comes at a cost.
Over time, you will start to resent other people when they keep asking you for favors. Your self-respect will also take a battering.
You may ask yourself, "Why am I happy to be a servant or a human doormat?" or "Why can't I stand up for myself?"
Luckily, there are a few tricks you can use to say "No" without hurting someone's feelings.
You can be polite whilst respecting your own needs at the same time!
1. Sandwich your refusal between two positive statements or compliments.
Use this simple formula: Start by thanking the other person for thinking of you, give a polite refusal, and then end on a positive note.
For example, let's suppose that your friend wants you to babysit her two children on Sunday afternoon, but you want to spend the day relaxing after a tough week at work.
You could say, "Thank you for asking, it's always an honor to be trusted with someone else's children! Unfortunately, I’m not free that day, so my answer has to be no. It's always a pleasure to be asked, though."
This is a gracious reply that preserves your friendship while making it clear that you will not be granting them a favor.
2. Choose a standard refusal phrase.
Finding the right words to say "No" when you're under stress is hard, so why not make it easier on yourself by coming up with a couple of phrases you can always rely on in the future?
Good choices include:
"I have too many other commitments so I can't help you, but thank you for asking."
"I can't take on more projects at the moment because my schedule is full."
"That doesn't really suit me, so I’ll pass."
3. Don't use an excuse.
If you have a genuine reason for a refusal, then feel free to share it with the other person.
However, don't try to fabricate a story.
The other person might start to suggest ways you could overcome the obstacle, and then the conversation could get seriously awkward.
For instance, if you tell them that you can't go to the theater with them on Saturday because you can't get a babysitter, they might just say:
"Oh that's OK, we'll go out Monday!" or "No problem, I know a babysitter who's free Saturday!"
It's far better to give a straightforward "No" instead.
Making up a solid excuse is actually harder than it looks.
4. Signpost them to an alternative or offer help at a later date.
If you want or need to appear helpful – for instance, perhaps a colleague or boss has asked you for assistance – then suggesting another person who could help them instead can work well.
However, don't just pull a random name from thin air!
Make sure your suggestion is sensible. Another tactic is to offer to help at a later date.
For instance, you could say,
"I can't take on this work right now, but my schedule won't be so heavy in a couple of weeks' time. I'll e-mail you when I'm free."
If you have a boss who wants you to take on more work and you are already overstretched, tell them that you would love to help, but that you need guidance on how to reprioritize the tasks that are already on your to-do list.
Ask whether they want particular assignments pushed back in order to make space for the new project.
This way, you are politely but firmly reminding them that you aren't superhuman, and you can't magically create a few extra hours in the day!
5. Tell them about your personal rules.
It's rude to try to talk someone out of their personal beliefs, convictions, and rules.
When you explain that a request just doesn't fit your values or lifestyle, other people will be more inclined to respect your decision.
For example, if someone wants you to volunteer at their charity once a week, you could say something like:
"I'm afraid I can't help you, because I've made a promise to myself to take on fewer commitments this summer."
If someone offers you a cake containing eggs but you are a vegan, you are well within your rights to say,
"Thank you for offering, but I’m vegan. That means I don't eat any animal products."
Saying "No" is a skill that has to be developed over time.
It can be scary to put your own wants and needs before those of someone else.
However, it gets easier with time.
Think of the people you admire most – it's a safe bet that they are used to saying "No"!
Remember, the world won't end just because you refuse to let yourself be used as a servant.
If you have a friend who gets offended when you politely decline an invitation or request, you probably don't want to be friends with them anyway.
Source:
http://powerfulmind.co/ways-to-say-no/
https://www.facebook.com/thispageisaboutwords/posts/1476944345774730
Saturday, May 05, 2018
母語是什麼？
（重貼5月2日的帖文，此帖文傳閱超過一千次，但5月4日被面書刪除）廣東話是香港官話，不是香港母語。香港教育局在聘請大陸學者，否定廣東話是香港人的母語，將粵語貶為方言。問題是：母語是什麼？
我告訴大家吧。母語這個觀念極之危險。母語源自歐洲的民族土語（native or vernacular language）的觀念，用母語教學的觀念，將粵語列為香港人的母語，必然一敗塗地。九七之後，董建華提倡母語教學，大家以為是廣東話教學，但其後就出現普教中，在香港人的兒童年齡群體裡面製造普通話的母語基礎，這顯示了母語是個迷惑香港人的觀念。
粵語不單只是到目前為止大多數香港人的土語，粵語更是南方官話。粵語是中原華夏雅言之南方流傳，既是華夏南方之交流語，也保留了華夏古語（主要是隋唐官話）的寶貴語音、語調、詞彙和文法，傳承了華夏古代文明，旁及百粵（南方的眾多粵族）語言和文明。
如果用母語的觀念來看，香港必須採用複合的語言政策（composite language policy），普通話（北方官話）就必須列入教學語言。
香港好多本土運動的鼓吹者（尤其是港獨派），不明白我的學術判斷，他們將香港話（俗化的香港土語）列為香港人的母語，而不知道這正是中了共產黨的奸計，因為一旦在香港的大陸移民眾多，例如達到三四成，香港土語就沒有地位。而堂堂學生會的官方電郵竟然用香港土語（鄙俗的廣東土話）寫作，而不是用簡潔文言，更令大陸留學生認為香港是蠻夷之地，加強了他們講普通話時候的高傲。
粵語是香港官話，是香港人在正式場合的中文交流語。粵語是不是你的母語，這個不重要，重要的是，它是香港官話。這個夠清楚了吧？
香港人的幸運，是當年英國殖民者採用雅言的觀念，在清朝的時候，英國派遣殖民官上廣州跟隨清朝的翰林太史學習中文和《四書》，在省城的學館書齋認識優雅言談，殖民官將廣府話列為香港的交流中文，而且將廣東話雅化、純化，將粵音提升成為雅正的電台語言和學校語言。如果當年英國殖民政府採用土語或母語觀念，應該是圍頭話、客家話、潮州話、河洛話、蛋家話成為香港的交流語，而且粗話連篇，而不是當年雅正的廣府話。大家可以比較一下廣州的電台，由於不是用雅言，故此他們用的粵音是粗鄙土氣的，自丟身價，令北方人不尊重廣東人。馬來西亞的粵語廣播和客家話廣播也是粗鄙的土語，而不是文人雅言。
我是客家人，但我也會講好粵語和推廣雅正的粵語，因為粵語是雅言。一旦採用武斷的母語觀念，我是應該排斥粵語的。（台灣人講的閩南話是古漢語遺留，但台灣的本土運動行了歪路，台灣人推廣的是民間的土話，不是雅正的閩南話。）
我這本書，講述了粵語的歷史和成為教學語言的正當地位。即使是北方人，我也建議他們學好雅正的廣東話（而不是那些粗口爛舌的香港土語！）。
最後必須一提，廣東廣西的語言極之繁多，廣府話是經過長期的時間考驗而成為兩廣的交流語的，期間沒有官方勢力推廣或壓迫，有兩廣人民的共識。兩廣人民長期認同廣府話為雅正的交流語，是有深刻原因的。
Source: 陳雲
https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10156216343562225
Saturday, March 03, 2018
台灣如何獨立建國？
台灣如何獨立建國？方法好簡單，採取中華梵蒂岡模式，台灣就可以金蟬脫殼，獨立建國。現在，民視董事長郭倍宏集結獨派團體籌組「喜樂島聯盟」，宣示將督促政府推動「獨立公投、正名入聯」，前總統李登輝現身力挺，前總統陳水扁也錄影支持。
陳雲在《香港城邦論》（2011）寫過，台灣真想獨立，毋須採用公投模式，拖拖拉拉矇騙台灣人，可以馬上採取梵蒂岡模式，只要國會同意修憲，可以將中華民國的領土縮小到故宮博物院、中山紀念堂、蔣公陵墓等民國文化象徵地區，之後，由現時的中華民國在台灣的國會宣布還政大陸，退出台灣省的領土，委任臨時國會，領土設立在指定地區，稱之為中華民國轄區，主理國家轉型的政務，轄區的主權和國防由台灣共和國代理。台灣住民同時宣布立憲，建立台灣共和國。如此，台灣可以「一地兩國」，以雙主權的靈活外交和宗教、文化傳播的權力，反制中共。
中華民國在台灣是主權完整的國家，完全可以自由行事。要做，馬上就可以獨立建國，一日之內就可以成事。問題是，要看美國臉色，台灣獨立建國的阻力，來自美國，不是來自中共。
我講出台獨的方法，他們就不敢做了。他們會好像港獨一樣，鳩玩公投。中華民國在台灣，是主權完整而獨立的國家，並非在中共轄區之內，台灣不是蘇格蘭、巴塞羅那、魁北克，玩什麼公投脫離呢？
至於縮小轄區的中華民國，可以宣布更改國體，君主立憲，復辟王朝，天子登基，弄一個華夏皇帝出來，給大陸人膜拜，來台灣觀禮，朝貢金錢，這就是中華梵蒂岡（Chinese Vatican） 模式。
以前，李登輝總統將中華民國的轄區，規限在台、澎、金、馬地區，放棄統治大陸，廢除源自大陸的萬年國會，在台灣改選國會，並且停止台灣省的行政，也只是國會修憲，有進行過公投嗎？
現在主政台灣的執政黨，就是主張台獨的民進黨、台獨總統蔡英文。蔡英文總統比李登輝總統的時候容易多了，台灣要獨立建國？現在就做吧。
Source: 陳雲
https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10156047947782225
陳雲在《香港城邦論》（2011）寫過，台灣真想獨立，毋須採用公投模式，拖拖拉拉矇騙台灣人，可以馬上採取梵蒂岡模式，只要國會同意修憲，可以將中華民國的領土縮小到故宮博物院、中山紀念堂、蔣公陵墓等民國文化象徵地區，之後，由現時的中華民國在台灣的國會宣布還政大陸，退出台灣省的領土，委任臨時國會，領土設立在指定地區，稱之為中華民國轄區，主理國家轉型的政務，轄區的主權和國防由台灣共和國代理。台灣住民同時宣布立憲，建立台灣共和國。如此，台灣可以「一地兩國」，以雙主權的靈活外交和宗教、文化傳播的權力，反制中共。
中華民國在台灣是主權完整的國家，完全可以自由行事。要做，馬上就可以獨立建國，一日之內就可以成事。問題是，要看美國臉色，台灣獨立建國的阻力，來自美國，不是來自中共。
我講出台獨的方法，他們就不敢做了。他們會好像港獨一樣，鳩玩公投。中華民國在台灣，是主權完整而獨立的國家，並非在中共轄區之內，台灣不是蘇格蘭、巴塞羅那、魁北克，玩什麼公投脫離呢？
至於縮小轄區的中華民國，可以宣布更改國體，君主立憲，復辟王朝，天子登基，弄一個華夏皇帝出來，給大陸人膜拜，來台灣觀禮，朝貢金錢，這就是中華梵蒂岡（Chinese Vatican） 模式。
以前，李登輝總統將中華民國的轄區，規限在台、澎、金、馬地區，放棄統治大陸，廢除源自大陸的萬年國會，在台灣改選國會，並且停止台灣省的行政，也只是國會修憲，有進行過公投嗎？
現在主政台灣的執政黨，就是主張台獨的民進黨、台獨總統蔡英文。蔡英文總統比李登輝總統的時候容易多了，台灣要獨立建國？現在就做吧。
Source: 陳雲
https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10156047947782225
Tuesday, January 30, 2018
道不可言與可言
台灣早前那場文言與白話分高下的罵戰，我很詫異竟然沒有人代表語言學發聲，他們都在比併理據，兩派俱像先秦時代名家和縱橫家所為。理性主義提倡真理會愈辯愈明，「據理力爭」淪為現代人的唯一辯證方式，但這種思維到底使人近道還是背道呢？
「天地有大美而不言」、「聖人行不言之教」、「名可名非常名」、「四時不言、萬物生焉」……老莊思想其中一個最厲害的地方是對語言的批判，早在二千年前其卓見已超越了近代的語言學和哲學家。諷刺的是，相傳老子李聃本來並無計劃著書立說，而是在一次通關的時候受到守城將軍刁難，才一晚寫下《道德經》好讓自己脫身，所以亦有一說指《道德經》其實是一部兵書。老莊說道有不可言說的特性，卻用語言把道說明出來，這不就是自相矛盾嗎？
不可言說，老莊質疑的是「言」的局限，主張文不可成全載道，人只能知道而不能言道。一旦言道，你就會尋找更準確的語意，語意愈單一，道的歧義之妙便會隨着說明而消亡了。比方說德文是最準確的語言，看似有利哲學辯證，卻因為雙關和歧義太少，所以最不幽默。又例如白話看似比文言更能達意，但你想想「形」這個字，你知道這個字的意思卻說不出來，你可以加上配詞使意思更為具體，說「形狀」、「形態」、「形相」，但每衍生一個字詞，我們就離「形」的本義愈遠了。文言用最少的字詞蘊藏最多的意思，聽憑人的悟道，所以它是鮮活的；相對地白話的字詞愈多，它所能表達的意思就愈空洞，就像這篇文章，我講來講去也未完全把心中的道轉讓給你。
不過，老莊並不否定語言的價值，他們只是反對辯明，反對把道說死了。莊子寫《知北遊》正是開講「道可道非常道」的問題，知北遊，即指「知」這個人物往北方遊歷，文言文三個字搞掂。知先後遇上無為謂、狂屈和黃帝，問他們甚麼是道。無為謂三問不答，狂屈就說我想告訴你但說不出，只有黃帝答他：「無思無慮始知道，無處無服始安道，無從無道始得道。」
知就疑惑：「我們講得出即是我們知道，難道他們不知道嗎？」
黃帝就開始解釋，無為謂方是真道，狂屈是近道，他和知則比不上；黃帝用了很大篇幅講解「知者不言，言者不知」的矛盾，其實莊子想轉達一種與道相忘的至高境界，而我們愈言道就離臻境愈遠。然而，莊子沒有否定黃帝，故事的結尾講到狂屈聽到黃帝這番講解後，稱讚他是「知言」，繞了這麼大圈，莊子其實在讚自己能寫得出道的妙旨，「知言」便是一切文哲最貼近道的狀態。雖然「知言」離真道尚有距離，但思想家的目標就是把語言推向近道的極致，在寫作的歷程裡，同時要通曉語言自身的有限，當心自己寫活了還是寫死了道。
羅蘭巴特也很關心語言失去鮮活的問題，跟老莊暗合：「描述極盡所能描繪出物體之死亡狀態，佯裝其確立其意，並欲使之復活。「使復活」的意思就是「看着死亡」。形容詞是幻想的工具，不管它說甚麼，愈描愈死，形容就像辦一場喪儀。」
Source: 作者
https://www.facebook.com/yhmetblogspot/posts/1777610975622366
https://medium.com/@writerhk/%E4%BD%9C%E8%80%85%E8%AC%9B%E8%80%81%E8%8E%8A-3-%E9%81%93%E4%B8%8D%E5%8F%AF%E8%A8%80%E8%88%87%E5%8F%AF%E8%A8%80-1ffcaab850c6
「天地有大美而不言」、「聖人行不言之教」、「名可名非常名」、「四時不言、萬物生焉」……老莊思想其中一個最厲害的地方是對語言的批判，早在二千年前其卓見已超越了近代的語言學和哲學家。諷刺的是，相傳老子李聃本來並無計劃著書立說，而是在一次通關的時候受到守城將軍刁難，才一晚寫下《道德經》好讓自己脫身，所以亦有一說指《道德經》其實是一部兵書。老莊說道有不可言說的特性，卻用語言把道說明出來，這不就是自相矛盾嗎？
不可言說，老莊質疑的是「言」的局限，主張文不可成全載道，人只能知道而不能言道。一旦言道，你就會尋找更準確的語意，語意愈單一，道的歧義之妙便會隨着說明而消亡了。比方說德文是最準確的語言，看似有利哲學辯證，卻因為雙關和歧義太少，所以最不幽默。又例如白話看似比文言更能達意，但你想想「形」這個字，你知道這個字的意思卻說不出來，你可以加上配詞使意思更為具體，說「形狀」、「形態」、「形相」，但每衍生一個字詞，我們就離「形」的本義愈遠了。文言用最少的字詞蘊藏最多的意思，聽憑人的悟道，所以它是鮮活的；相對地白話的字詞愈多，它所能表達的意思就愈空洞，就像這篇文章，我講來講去也未完全把心中的道轉讓給你。
不過，老莊並不否定語言的價值，他們只是反對辯明，反對把道說死了。莊子寫《知北遊》正是開講「道可道非常道」的問題，知北遊，即指「知」這個人物往北方遊歷，文言文三個字搞掂。知先後遇上無為謂、狂屈和黃帝，問他們甚麼是道。無為謂三問不答，狂屈就說我想告訴你但說不出，只有黃帝答他：「無思無慮始知道，無處無服始安道，無從無道始得道。」
知就疑惑：「我們講得出即是我們知道，難道他們不知道嗎？」
黃帝就開始解釋，無為謂方是真道，狂屈是近道，他和知則比不上；黃帝用了很大篇幅講解「知者不言，言者不知」的矛盾，其實莊子想轉達一種與道相忘的至高境界，而我們愈言道就離臻境愈遠。然而，莊子沒有否定黃帝，故事的結尾講到狂屈聽到黃帝這番講解後，稱讚他是「知言」，繞了這麼大圈，莊子其實在讚自己能寫得出道的妙旨，「知言」便是一切文哲最貼近道的狀態。雖然「知言」離真道尚有距離，但思想家的目標就是把語言推向近道的極致，在寫作的歷程裡，同時要通曉語言自身的有限，當心自己寫活了還是寫死了道。
羅蘭巴特也很關心語言失去鮮活的問題，跟老莊暗合：「描述極盡所能描繪出物體之死亡狀態，佯裝其確立其意，並欲使之復活。「使復活」的意思就是「看着死亡」。形容詞是幻想的工具，不管它說甚麼，愈描愈死，形容就像辦一場喪儀。」
Source: 作者
https://www.facebook.com/yhmetblogspot/posts/1777610975622366
https://medium.com/@writerhk/%E4%BD%9C%E8%80%85%E8%AC%9B%E8%80%81%E8%8E%8A-3-%E9%81%93%E4%B8%8D%E5%8F%AF%E8%A8%80%E8%88%87%E5%8F%AF%E8%A8%80-1ffcaab850c6
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