Monday, November 11, 2019

沈旭暉︰兩制是騙局 倡海外建新香港

「年青時不願留在英美,曾經天真相信香港屬於我們,以為真的能夠一同建立這個家。」畢業後,回到中文大學執教鞭、當信報國際版主筆、成立智庫、加入李澤楷旗下的盈科拓展集團任高級副總裁、擔任中央政策組非全職顧問。不知從何時起,理想成了妄想,「一切都是一場夢,兩制是一場騙局。」

不再是「發夢」的年紀,但沈旭暉仍有想像力,期盼有天真的能夠光復香港,「假如海外有幾個小型新香港,保存元氣,一個像東印度公司、香港文化協會鞏固身份認同,只要國際形勢改變,總有一日可以光復香港。」

記者:孫樂祈

政權不見讓步迹象,上周科大生周梓樂重傷不治、大搜捕泛民議員,無力感充斥每個香港人。經歷過2014年傘運,最令沈旭暉恐懼的是散水,「再一次重演,會好傷。2014年後好多人好down,咩都唔理,繼續搵錢算數。」

更可悲的是無散水黨,全因警暴令港人髮指。他反覆強調不能鬆懈、不能絕望,「今次爭取到,都唔等於贏,一國兩制侵蝕繼續不斷發生;雨傘時爭取唔到,都唔等於失敗,唔係一無所獲。」

黃色經濟圈雛形已成

梁天琦2016年提出的「時代革命」,今天就真正發生,「今次咁多人響應,係香港人嘅創意,呢個時代喺bottom-up方向去諗。身邊好多朋友都搞緊黃絲經濟體背後係去中心化,減低對政府、大財團的依賴,社會唔再top-down咁控制。一班目標一致的朋友,互相支持去打這場持久戰。」

今次不論政府會否讓步,黃色經濟圈的雛形已長成,經濟圈由罷食吉野家、支持大班麵包西餅開始,逐漸生出黃藍店名單、黃色招聘平台、網購平台,試圖擺脫靠攏內地的生意模式。

其實藍色經濟體早已建立並連結內地,至於遲來的黃色經濟圈,自然連往世界,「呢個外國勢力唔係政治,純粹係做生意,黃絲在能力、語言、價值觀都容易plus in去國際,文宣組甚至連藍絲都讚。加上100萬海外香港人,佢哋更加唔易受壓,有極大潛能未釋放。」

擺脫「人血饅頭」關口

內媒取笑香港人不自量力,沈旭暉以數據反駁,「200萬香港人,每人用1萬蚊去支持、消費,已經200億,係好大生態鏈,都未計滴漏效應。唔一定真金白銀,你放工寫文宣都有價值,係生態鏈一環。」事實證明,過往多次眾籌登報都能夠迅速達標,甚至有人說今次運動最不缺的就是錢。

不過要打仗,先要擺脫心理關口,五個月以來,無數香港人犧牲前途,為抗爭流出鮮血,這個環境下標榜自己是黃店圖利,是在吃「人血饅頭」、發國難財,沈旭暉提醒要擺脫這種思維,「要提供誘因,先可以令人持續參與,唔可以永遠靠捐錢,總需要自給自足。」

目前的黃絲經濟圈仍相當初步,但沈旭暉認為一旦有系統處理捐款,就能生出更多可能性,「只要做多一步,有個App可以俾人做prepayment(預付),就可以產生穩定現金流,亦可以串連到海外資金。」網購平台「光時」於訪問之時剛成立,平台設立的禮品卡功能,以實現預付的說法。

去中心化成世界潮流

在沈旭暉的沙盤推演下,發展下去甚至能取締銀行,為黃店提供借貸周轉,協助它們生存,「去中心化的世界潮流下,唔一定要大銀行。例如穆罕默德.尤努斯憑microfinance獲得諾貝爾和平獎。佢喺孟加拉借出小額貸款畀當地人做小生意,成功幫助好多人脫貧。香港本身金融體系成熟唔需要,但呢個環境下,好多人有心支援,又有批人經濟上有需要。」談到去中心化,不能避開加密貨幣,「假如發展更成熟,可以提供更保密的交易工具,同樣是去中心化一環。」

比起看不見的金融系統,香港人最關心的始終是地產,「唔少地方已經好似sim city(電腦遊戲模擬城市)咁起樓,用3D打印出嚟再砌,成本、時間都慳咗,基建唔係以前門檻咁高。」香港買地成本以億計,沈旭暉出身國際關係,想法不局限香港,他大膽建議在海外建立新香港,「舊年諾貝爾經濟學獎得主Paul Romer教授其中一個概念,就係Chartered City(特設城市)。佢講當初香港俾英國管治,使用完全不同附近環境的法律,由零開始建立城市,其實模式可以複製;今日世界上大國依然有好多荒地,可以複製同一樣嘢,咁點解唔可以海外複製香港部份功能,等我哋有一條生路?完全複製香港梗係唔容易,但其實BVI都係幾萬人,已經喺國際金融佔一席位,香港人冇理由做唔到。」

看似天馬行空的想法,早於1989年已有人提過,而且今日比當年更迫切,「當年如果蘇格蘭西岸搬遷計劃成事,中國政府可能會在自由問題讓步,亦能刺激蘇格蘭的經濟發展。其實當年也有北愛爾蘭、達爾文等地的方案,並非天馬行空,關鍵是有沒有人具體執行而已。」

他指英國脫歐、配合BNO議題,是另一個海外建港的機會,加拿大有國際非政府組織正在倡議,英國、加拿大、澳洲、紐西蘭四國國民相互自由入境、並在任何一國就業的簽證限制,最終達成類似歐盟內部人口自由流動的格局,「四個國家共同消化持有BNO的港人,比全遷往英國更可行。」

強調自己非鼓勵移民

向外國勢力租地,外交部、黨媒豈不馬上跳出來,指責外國勢力粗暴干預乜乜乜?沈旭暉說新香港其實是多贏局面,與北京保持適當距離,關係可能反而更好,「須知特設城市背後的國家,不可能完全不顧中國態度,因此北京更毋須擔心港獨;有了距離,香港人釋去切身憂慮,得到真正的一國兩制,更容易與北京保持良好關係,對各方其實都是多贏。」

他同時強調自己絕非散水黨,不是鼓勵移民,「要移民的人你不用鼓勵也會走,假如真的要走,也依靠網絡維繫香港人社區,把資金、能力去中央化,化整為零,繼續支持留在香港的真香港人,大家才能構成一個整體。別像上一代消極地到溫哥華成為唐人街廢老。」願意留下來的固然很好,像投資移民平均要購買最少500萬港元的房子,一萬人這就是500億,「這些經費,用來做一個主權基金,甚麼也能達成了,到了最後,才能有國際能量,光復香港。」

作為中間派,竟建議海外建立新香港,訪問近乎無底線,沈旭暉嘆口氣指,「不論黃、藍,正常一個人,當然明白香港發生咩事。老一輩想安享晚年、想湊孫可以理解,但我哋呢個年紀,未退休,又易流動,咁都無反應,就成個社會都無反應。」


Source: 蘋果日報︰孫樂祈(沈旭暉)
https://hkpedia.org/%E3%80%90%E8%BD%89%E7%99%BC%E3%80%91%E3%80%90%E5%B0%88%E8%A8%AA%E3%80%91%E9%80%99%E6%98%AF%E6%97%A9%E9%99%A3%E5%AD%90%E3%80%8A%E8%98%8B%E6%9E%9C%E6%97%A5%E5%A0%B1%E3%80%8B%E8%B2%A1%E7%B6%93%E7%89%88/

Saturday, November 09, 2019

225位入境事務隊隊員聯署聲明︰整肅警隊 刻不容緩

香港兒女台鑒︰

我等為一眾入境事務隊隊員,向以把關香港為己任。吾等定必竭盡所能,維護法治,保土安民,捍衛我城。

制服之下,當先為香港人。唯香港警察行私刑、阻救援、擋遊行;奪被捕者之權利,侵香港人之自由。警察既為執法者,毫不守法,亦無尊重,屢於各場合及媒體前挑釁市民,舉手投足,儼如土匪;喝罵及稱呼示威者、記者、議員甚至平民為「曱甴」、「暴徒」,又自創辭彙肆意辱罵女性,形同流氓。此等賤視市民之言論,出自堂堂最大規模執法者之口,綱紀廢弛,不成體統。

警察濫權,每況愈下,屢屢犯錯而無人可阻,合法武器,不法使用;又肆意竄改武力等級,視武力守則如無物,遇觀星筆即如臨大敵,水樽亦恐作襲警之用,卻對持棍持刀者視若無睹,作壁上觀。警察手執武器,或盡皆虛發,或以胡椒噴劑擊頭,匪夷所思,猶如脫韁野馬,全違武器使用指引,更惶論拳打腳踢等私刑。

我等同屬紀律部隊,深知對武力之使用限制,極有要求。但凡武力之使用,皆以點到即止為原則。對方停止反抗,我方亦停止武力。武力亦須為逐級增加,而非立即提升到致命武力。我等於學堂受訓之時,教官三令五申,必須以眼親試胡椒噴劑之威力,毋忘切膚之痛,切勿濫用武力。此為克制,此為專業。然而政府及警方動輒以前線大壓力為由,縱容警暴,拖行市民,又向離散中之人群,作行刑狩獵式槍擊,又所執何法?克制專業何在?

緊急法及禁制令頻頻出現,無戒嚴之名,行戒嚴之實,向港人之自由步步進逼。藉詞保護警察私隱為名,禁選舉查冊以及公開警員及其家屬資料,儼如特權階級。敝部門亦疑因此仿傚,收緊多年來生死婚姻證明之查冊要求,非當事人授權不得申請,對調查社會大事,實為一大阻礙。

「蒙面法」生效後,市民口罩戴不得,警察卻可幪面如鼠輩,無證若歹徒。敢問有何公職人員於市民面前辦公,斗膽隱藏容貌、姓名、編號以至委任證?市民投訴無門,原告變被告者屢見不鮮。服務民眾,誠不可欺也。而休班警更獲派伸縮警棍、胡椒噴劑等武器,無紀律部隊之責,行秘密警察之實。及後擅闖民居,濫捕破壞,欺凌弱小,迫市民俯首下跪,行如納粹,形似皇軍,恬不知恥。所到之處,皆一片狼藉,老弱婦孺,無一幸免。市民看在眼內,斥罵之聲,不絕於耳。

警方高層圖以記者會公器私用,信口雌黃,愚弄市民,混淆視聽,更妄稱記者會乃其主場,視記者為敵,卻不知早已淪為笑柄;及又倒果為因,包庇下屬,指鹿為馬,早已失信於民。警方低層更妄自尊大,不學無術,多次恃協會名義,斥責四方,越俎代庖。甚至香港政府第二把交椅之政務司,亦同遭指責,令人咋舌。及後更越洋過海,要求英國國會議員道歉,見識之淺陋,貽笑大方。

現代社會中,但凡公僕,皆因人民分身不暇,能力有別,乃納稅授權其服務民眾。警察之所以權大,只因所管之範圍廣泛,如此而已。惟警察不知事理,倒果為因,多次蔑視同仁,唯我獨尊,於消防及醫護等救援時肆意阻攔,稍不合意,即恐嚇襲擊,儼如恐怖份子。同為公僕,當以民為先。鏡頭之下,屢屢非以救急扶危為要任,卻以凌辱市民為樂,賤人命如草芥,視平民為讎寇。鏡頭之後,又容不下半點批評之辭,擅自撤離醫院警崗,器量之狹窄,智力之低下,更遜黃口小兒。而男警恣意觸摸女性,擅闖產房,視男女之防如無物。我等大好兒女,竟與這種人齊名!

示威者犯法,自有法律制裁,惟警察徇私枉法,違規違紀,踐踏基本法;又毆打人民,與民為敵,有恃無恐,既無中立可言,亦無法治之說。吾等皆悲憤莫名,卻無從追究。政府與警隊理當先正己而後正人,重回現代文明社會之道,勿再令其他公僕蒙羞。

整肅警隊,刻不容緩。

人民公僕,尤以執法人員者,應持正守中。眼下香港禮崩樂壞,政府須對症下藥,從善如流,方為出路;若執意妄為,指鹿為馬,倒行逆施,猶抱薪救火,薪不盡,火不滅,則離香港之沉淪不遠矣。

香港正值風雨飄搖之時,吾等既為人民公僕,自當身土不二,以身作則,維護法紀,與民同行。政府施政無道,警察執法不公,罄竹難書。若再增添警力,以暴制民,棄政治問題而不顧,妄圖號召全體公僕與民為敵,助紂為虐,押上公務員百年聲譽,對此我們絕不噤聲,亦絕不同流合污。

天地有正氣,雜然賦流形
時窮節乃見,一一垂丹青

一眾入境事務隊隊員謹啟

Source: Telegram

Friday, November 08, 2019

香港文化前景研究

第一階段計劃籌款︰香港普選制度研究與社會文化影響

普選需要推動,更需要研究。北京和香港特區政府為了安定社會,恢復信心,普選是唯一的方法;美國為了保證香港法治及國際社會在香港的安全,也制訂《香港人權及民主法案2019》促成香港普選。香港普選很快到來,之前很多政黨政客爭取普選,但民主普選涉及的制度建設和社會基礎,大家並無妥善研究。香港的社會創新和文化創意,以及一連串的社會信心增強、消費行為轉變而帶來的繁榮和文化輸出,也會因普選而帶動,我們見到台灣和南韓的強勁例子就知道。

香港普選的話,立法會起碼要做以下準備:

一、修訂議會規則及法例:取消功能組別,要有一系列的法例變動的準備。

二、制訂政黨法:促進新生政黨可以註冊公司或社團,可以在銀行開戶,而不會遭受被公司註冊處及銀行取締(香港眾志也遇到阻礙)。

三、研究選區重整:五大選區是否要改變,或者只是劃分香港九龍新界三大選區而在當選之後才分配地區服務辦公室,甚至統一香港為單一選區?

四、社會基礎建設:開放電視台、電台牌照及報攤牌照,令小黨及多元政治取向可以得到宣傳,令香港社會更開放。

五、傳統及主流文化維護:在政黨競爭的時候,有什麼制度可以保障中西傳統文化在香港得到傳承?

此外,美國介入香港政治,也要研究美國和香港的長期文化聯繫。《香港城邦論》出版近十年,也要促成英譯本面世(其中包括香港本土運動里程碑的記錄)。這是第二個和第三個要開展的研究項目。

圖中所見,是第一階段的政策和文化研究的項目,需要各位捐款推動。籌款足夠之後,會依照學術規格,成立研究督導委員會,招聘研究員(培養青年研究人才)及支付行政及辦公室費用。

研究報告會在中期的時候匯報,完成之後會上載網頁,期間會外出訪問及出國研究及探訪,例如研究美國文化影響的時候會走訪美國。

捐款方法:銀行轉帳 / 櫃員機轉帳 / 網上過數
公司帳號:恒生銀行
戶口名:文化工作坊有限公司 Culture Workshop Ltd
戶口號碼:364-314971-883
paypal: culturehk@apspace.hk

如需要收據,請將個人資料及聯絡方法連同付款入數紙,以電郵方式聯絡香港自治行動,統一由HKAA的電郵接收收據。亦歡迎電郵垂詢。

捐款可以列明贊助的項目,可以超過一項。如果某項目的贊助超額,將依照時序先後,將餘款撥予隨後的研究項目。

HKAA 電郵地址:hkautonomyaction@gmail.com

研究總監:陳雲博士

[Research for Hong Kong’s Cultural Prospect] - Fundraiser for the First Stage

Universal suffrage not only requires advocacy, but also research. To stabilize Hong Kong society and restore its confidence, Beijing and the HKSAR Government are set to pursue universal suffrage, as the US passed the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act to secure rule of law and the safety of the international society in Hong Kong. The universal suffrage that many politicians had fought for in the past will soon arrive, but its crucial systematic construction and social foundation had never been properly studied. Universal suffrage will drive Hong Kong’s social and cultural innovations, as prosperity and cultural exportation come with greater confidence in society and changing consumption habits, just as Taiwan and South Korea once flourished.

Below are the basic preparations for the LegCo, once universal suffrage comes into effect in Hong Kong:

1. Amend rules of procedure and laws accordingly: eliminate functional constituencies and prepare for a series of alterations in laws.

2. Enact Political Parties Act: encourage newly founded parties to register as companies or societies, while allowing them to open up bank accounts without being suppressed by banks and the Companies Registry.

3. Consider re-assignment of election districts: are the five districts adequate? Should there be only three larger districts, namely Hong Kong Island, Kowloon, and New Territories, where district offices will be distributed after all legislators are elected? Should Hong Kong be just a single district?

4. Social infrastructures: make licenses of TV channels, radio stations, and newsstands publically accessible, creating an open society that allow minor political parties and political stands to promote themselves.

5. Conservation of traditional and mainstream culture: what kind of institution can safeguard the heritage of both Chinese and Western traditions in Hong Kong, amidst the competition of political parties?

Furthermore, as the US intervenes in Hong Kong’s politics, the long-term cultural relation of the two should be studied. After a decade of its publication, 香港城邦論 should finally be translated into English, which shall include the evolution of Localism in Hong Kong. These will respectively be the second and third research projects.

The picture below shows the first stage of the research which consists of the study of policy and culture. Your donations are critical for the project’s inauguration. Once there are sufficient donations, a supervision committee for the research that complies to strict academic standards will be established. Part of the donations will be contributed towards the recruitment of researchers (which would cultivate young talents), administrative expenses, and office rental.

A midterm report for the research will be available on a designated website. During the course of studying about the influence of American culture, there will be expeditions to the US, as for studying other countries.

Donations are accepted through bank transfers, ATM transfers or online transfers.

Bank: Hang Seng Bank
Name of account: Culture Workshop Ltd
Account no.: 364-314971-883
Paypal: culturehk@apspace.hk

If you would like a receipt for your donation, please kindly attach the bank slip with your personal and contact information, and email HKAA for unified arrangement. Enquiries by email are also welcome.

Donations can be dedicated to one or more specific projects. If there are exceeding donations, the remaining balance will be chronologically distributed to future research projects.
HKAA’s email:hkautonomyaction@gmail.com

Director of Research:Dr. Horace Chin





Source: Hong Kong Autonomy Action - 香港自治行動
https://www.facebook.com/HKAA2019/posts/433793843996354

https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10157565752472225

Thursday, November 07, 2019

Speech of Prof. Rocky Tuan, CUHK Vice-Chancellor and President, in 87th Congregation (Conferment of Bachelor’s and Master’s Degrees) (Transcript)

A very good morning to all of you.  It's a wonderful day.  You can see the sky is blue, the sun is out.  I welcome all of you to this wonderful occasion.  Before I begin, I'd just like to say a few words.  Regrettably, some actions last night and this morning, which were somewhat careless, disrespectful and sometimes hateful, has caused some defacement of university properties and has also compromised the very nature of this ceremony.  This is a happy occasion, this is a celebratory occasion.  It's particularly for our graduates, their family, and their friends and guests.  On behalf of CUHK, I would like to express my deep regret for some of the compromises that we've seen.

Now, in view of some of these things, I will actually forego my prepared speech.  It's a long speech - I think you are used to long speeches from me.  I will instead post my speech on the website, in Chinese as well as in English.  You can take a look at what I have prepared.  Instead, I just want to really talk to all of you, directly from my heart.  Of course, my audience today is the graduates.  I am very proud of all of you.  You have worked very very hard for today.  Today is a wonderful occasion for you to remember for the rest of your life, that's number one.  Number two, it is an occasion that your friends, your family, your teachers - all of us - will remember.  It's something that one day when you go through your photo album, you will point to this and tell your children, "See, that's dad, that's mum, we had a wonderful time."  I want you to remember that.

My message today will be very succinct and to-the-point. I have three things that I want all of the CUHK graduates to remember today.

1. Community

Human beings, by definition, are community animals.  No one lives alone, no one ever lives alone.  It's a very terrible life to live alone.  We are all part of the community.  Today is a transition.  Graduation is a transition.  You will be changing forever the way you live because you will be moving from one mode of living to another.  The mode in the university is, for the large part, a receiving mode.  You go to class, you get a grade, you have to hand in your homework, you have to go to the cafeteria at a certain time because otherwise they close.  So it is always receiving, a lot of it.  But after you graduate, it is a time to share, it is a time to serve.  You will be serving your community, whichever community you happen to be in.  So what is a community?  A community is by definition not a group of clones.  A group of clones is not a community.  A community is made up of different people.  They have different values, they have different lifestyles, they wear different clothes, they have different favourite colours, they like different kinds of music, they wake up at different times of the day.  A community is, by definition, a group of different people who live together, who work together, who hang out together, who go to the same things together.  You will be a member of that community.

How does a community thrive?  How does a community grow?  It is built on mutual respect, mutual understanding, that you all start with serving the community as your premise.  I think at the end of the day, when we finish our life on Earth...  I often compare the Earth to a spaceship, which is flying through time and space.  We are all passengers.  We have a ticket - we get on and at some point we have to get off.  When you get off, what is the meaning of your existence?  The meaning is what you have done in terms of serving the community.  I urge all of you to remember that.  This is an important moment in time.  You will be transitioning from the university to the community.

2. Life

The second thing I want you to remember is that life is a continuous one.  Every day is not a single day.  Today is the tomorrow of yesterday, and it's also the yesterday of tomorrow.  It goes on.  Life goes on.  So never only pay attention to today.  Do not be deterred by any failures you have today, and also, importantly, never be content with whatever success you have today because life goes on.

Some of you may know that I am actually sort of a tissue-engineered stem cell guy.  What we do in my lab is that we do 3D bioprinting.  We take little things, we build them one stack at a time, and we end up with a 3-dimensional object.  I often tell the people at my lab, the people I work with, "3D is not enough, it is 4D - life is 4D - because this thing that we've just made which is 3-dimensional actually have another dimension.  That dimension is time."  Time is about one day following another.  So always remember, do not be deterred by whatever you failed today, and never be content with whatever success you may have today.

3. Happiness

The last thing I want to say is about happiness.  I am no smart philosopher, so I am going to quote somebody else that I believe is probably one of the most amazing humanitarian that has ever lived, Albert Schweitzer.  He was a physician, philosopher and humanitarian.  He devoted his whole life to making life better for others.  I'll just quote what he said.  Some people may say success is the key to happiness.  He would say, "Happiness is the key to success."  If you are happy doing what you are doing, you will succeed.  Always remember that.  You start out with happiness, then you will succeed.  It doesn't go the other way.  Most of the things Albert Schweitzer said is very true.  I think this is one of them.

I will stop here and I have to say farewell to all of you. But I have to emphasis the farewell is just for now because I am sure all of you will come back as CUHK alumni and I will see you on campus.  Thank you.

Sunday, October 13, 2019

The Patten Report on Policing: Summary of Recommendations

Human Rights

1
There should be a comprehensive programme of action to focus policing in Northern Ireland on a human rights-based approach. [para. 4.6]

2
There should be a new oath, taken individually by all new and existing police officers, expressing an explicit commitment to upholding human rights. The text might be as follows –
"I hereby do solemnly and sincerely and truly declare and affirm that I will faithfully discharge the duties of the office of constable, and that in so doing I will act with fairness, integrity, diligence and impartiality, uphold fundamental human rights and accord equal respect to all individuals and to their traditions and beliefs." [para. 4.7]

3
A new Code of Ethics should replace the existing, largely procedural code, integrating the European Convention on Human Rights into police practice. Codes of practice on all aspects of policing, including covert law enforcement techniques, should be strictly in accordance with the European Convention on Human Rights. [para. 4.8]

4
All police officers, and police civilians, should be trained (and updated as required) in the fundamental principles and standards of human rights and the practical implications for policing. The human rights dimension should be integrated into every module of police training. [para. 4.9]

5
Awareness of human rights issues and respect for human rights in the performance of duty should be an important element in the appraisal of individuals in the police service. [para. 4.10]

6
A lawyer with specific expertise in the field of human rights should be appointed to the staff of the police legal services. [para. 4.11]

7
The performance of the police service as a whole in respect of human rights, as in other respects, should be monitored closely by the Policing Board. [para. 4.12]


Accountability

8
An entirely new Policing Board should be created, to replace the present Police Authority. [para. 6.2]

9
The statutory primary function of the Policing Board should be to hold the Chief Constable and the police service publicly to account. [para. 6.3]

10
The Policing Board should set objectives and priorities for policing over a 3 to 5 year period, taking account of any longer term objectives or principles set by the Secretary of State or successor. It should then be responsible for adopting a 3 to 5 year strategy, prepared by the Chief Constable through a process of discussion with the Board, which should reflect the objectives and priorities set by the Board. [para. 6.5]

11
The Board should be responsible for adopting an Annual Policing Plan, developed by the Chief Constable, through a process of discussion with the Board, on the basis of objectives and priorities set by the Board, and within the agreed 3 to 5 year strategy. [para. 6.6]

12
The Board should be responsible for negotiating the annual policing budget with the Northern Ireland Office, or with the appropriate successor body after devolution of policing. It should then allocate the police service budget to the Chief Constable and monitor police performance against the budget. [para. 6.7]

13
The Board should monitor police performance against the Annual Policing Plan and the 3 – 5 year strategy. It should watch crime trends and patterns, and police performance in public order situations. It should also follow such things as recruitment patterns and trends, including fair employment and equal opportunities performance, and training needs. It should assess public satisfaction with the police service and, in liaison with the Police Ombudsman, patterns and trends in complaints against the police. [para. 6.8]

14
The Board should have the responsibility for appointing all chief officers and civilian equivalents and for determining the length of their contracts. All appointments should be subject to approval by the Secretary of State (and successor after devolution) and the Chief Constable should be consulted in relation to the appointment of subordinate chief officers and civilian equivalents. The Board should have the power to call upon the Chief Constable to retire in the interests of efficiency and effectiveness subject to the approval of the Secretary of State (and successor) and to the right to make representations as at present. Similarly, the Board should have the same power in relation to other chief officers and civilian equivalents exercisable subject to the approval of the Secretary of State (and successor) and to the same right to make representations and after consultation with the Chief Constable. The Secretary of State should have power to require the Policing Board to call upon the Chief Constable to retire on the same grounds but this power should be exercisable only after consultation with the Board and subject to the same right to make representations already referred to. Additionally, after devolution the relevant Northern Ireland minister should have power to call for the retirement of the Chief Constable on the same grounds but this should be subject to the agreement of the Policing Board and the approval of the Secretary of State with an equivalent right to make representations. The Board should be the disciplinary authority for chief officers and civilian equivalents. [para. 6.9]

15
The Policing Board should coordinate its work closely with other agencies whose work touches on public safety, including education, environment, economic development, housing and health authorities, as well as social services, youth services and the probation service, and with appropriate non-governmental organizations. [para. 6.10]

16
The Policing Board should have 19 members, 10 of whom should be Assembly members drawn from the parties that comprise the new Northern Ireland Executive, selected on the d’Hondt system, who should not at the same time hold ministerial office in the Executive. [para. 6.11]

17
The nine independent members of the Board should be selected from a range of different fields – including business, trade unions, voluntary organizations, community groups and the legal profession – with the aim of finding a group of individuals representative of the community as a whole, with the expertise both to set policing priorities and to probe and scrutinise different areas of police performance, from management of resources to the safeguarding of human rights. Their appointments should be for four years; but if it were necessary for the purpose of continuity to ensure that not all Board positions fell vacant at the same time as elections to the Assembly, some of these appointments could be for an initial period of two years. [para. 6.12]

18
The independent members should be appointed by the Secretary of State, in consultation with the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister, until such time as responsibility for policing is devolved, at which point the appointments should be made by the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister acting together. Until devolution, the Secretary of State should also determine the remuneration and expenses of Board members, in consultation with the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister. [para. 6.13]

19
A Board member of high quality and standing in the community should be appointed by the Secretary of State to be the first chairman of the Board, with the agreement of the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister, for an initial term of four years. [para. 6.14]

20
Responsibility for policing should be devolved to the Northern Ireland Executive as soon as possible, except for matters of national security. [para. 6.15]

21
The powers of the Policing Board proposed in this report, in relation to both government (as now represented by the Secretary of State) and the Chief Constable, should in no way be diminished when the government role in the tripartite arrangement passes to the Northern Ireland Executive. [para. 6.15]

22
The provisions of the Police (Northern Ireland) Act 1998 should be simplified so that the respective roles of the Secretary of State (or successor), the Policing Board and the Chief Constable are clear. [para. 6.16]

23
The provision, in Section 39 of the Police (Northern Ireland) Act 1998, that the Secretary of State may issue guidance to the police as to the exercise of their functions, should be repealed. [para. 6.18]

24
The Chief Constable should be deemed to have operational responsibility for the exercise of his or her functions and the activities of the police officers and civilian staff under his or her direction and control. [para. 6.21]

25
The Policing Board should have the power to require the Chief Constable to report on any issue pertaining to the performance of his functions or those of the police service. The obligation to report should extend to explaining operational decisions. If there is a disagreement between the Board and the Chief Constable over whether it is appropriate for a report to be provided on a particular matter, it should be for the Chief Constable to refer the question to the Secretary of State for a decision as to whether the Board’s requirement should stand. [para. 6.22]

26
The Policing Board should have the power, subject only to the same limitation set out in paragraph 6.22, to follow up any report from the Chief Constable by initiating an inquiry into any aspect of the police service or police conduct. Depending on the circumstances, the Board should have the option to request the Police Ombudsman, the Inspectorate of Constabulary or the Audit Office to conduct or contribute to such an inquiry, or to use the Board’s own staff, or even private consultants for such a purpose. [para. 6.23]

27
Each District Council should establish a District Policing Partnership Board (DPPB), as a committee of the Council, with a majority elected membership, the remaining independent members to be selected by the Council with the agreement of the Policing Board. The chair of the DPPB should be held by an elected member, with rotation between parties from year to year. [para. 6.26]

28
The District Policing Partnership Board in Belfast should have four sub-groups, covering North, South, East and West Belfast. [para. 6.27]

29
There should be monthly meetings between the DPPB and the police District Commander, at which the police should present reports and answer questions and the Board should reflect community concerns and priorities to the police. The views expressed by DPPBs should be taken fully into account by the police and by the Policing Board in the formulation of policing plans and strategies at the central level. [para. 6.30]

30
The DPPB should submit an annual report to the District Council, and publish it. [para. 6.31]

31
The approved administration costs of the DPPB should attract a 75% grant from the Policing Board, the remaining 25% to be funded by the District Council. [para. 6.32]

32
District Councils should have the power to contribute an amount initially up to the equivalent of a rate of 3p in the pound towards the improved policing of the district, which could enable the DPPB to purchase additional services from the police or other statutory agencies, or from the private sector. [para. 6.33]

33
It should be the aim of every police beat manager to have a consultative forum in his or her patrol area. [para. 6.34]

34
The Policing Board should maintain regular contact with the DPPBs, through periodic meetings of chairpersons, annual conferences, seminars, training courses and by including them in the circulation of information. [para. 6.35]

35
The Policing Board should meet in public once a month, to receive a report from the Chief Constable. [para. 6.36]

36
District Policing Partnership Boards should meet in public once a month, and procedures should allow for members of the public to address questions to the Board and, through the chair, to the police. [para. 6.37]

37
The police service should take steps to improve its transparency. The presumption should be that everything should be available for public scrutiny unless it is in the public interest – not the police interest – to hold it back. [para. 6.38]

38
The Police Ombudsman should be, and be seen to be, an important institution in the governance of Northern Ireland, and should be staffed and resourced accordingly. The Ombudsman should take initiatives, not merely react to specific complaints received. He/she should exercise the power to initiate inquiries or investigations even if no specific complaint has been received. The Ombudsman should be responsible for compiling data on trends and patterns in complaints against the police, or accumulations of complaints against individual officers, and should work with the police to address issues emerging from this data. He/she should have a dynamic cooperative relationship with both the police and the Policing Board, as well as other bodies involved in community safety issues. He/she should exercise the right to investigate and comment on police policies and practices, where these are perceived to give rise to difficulties, even if the conduct of individual officers may not itself be culpable, and should draw any such observations to the attention of the Chief Constable and the Policing Board. The Ombudsman should have access to all past reports on the RUC. [para. 6.41]

39
New legislation on covert policing should be fully compliant with the European Convention on Human Rights and should have the same application in Northern Ireland as in the rest of the United Kingdom. [para. 6.43]

40
There should be a commissioner for covert law enforcement in Northern Ireland. [para. 6.44]

41
There should be a complaints tribunal, comprising senior members of the legal profession, with full powers to investigate cases referred to it (either directly or through the Police Ombudsman) involving covert law enforcement operations. [para. 6.45]

42
There should be a substantial strengthening of financial accountability, including: a fully costed Annual Policing Plan; a strong audit department within the Policing Board, staffed by experts in budgeting, financial management and value for money programmes; and more systematic use of the Audit Office to study police resource management, either at the behest of the Policing Board or on its own initiative. [para. 6.46]

43
The Chief Constable should be designated a sub accounting officer, in addition to the Chief Executive of the Policing Board, so that either or both may be called, together with the Permanent Under Secretary as principal accounting officer, to give evidence to the Public Accounts Committee. [para. 6.47]


Policing with the Community

44
Policing with the community should be the core function of the police service and the core function of every police station. [para. 7.9]

45
Every neighbourhood (or rural area) should have a dedicated policing team with lead responsibility for policing its area. [para. 7.10]

46
Members of the policing team should serve at least three and preferably five years in the same neighbourhood. They should wear their names clearly displayed on their uniforms, and their uniforms should also bear the name of the locality for which they are responsible. [para. 7.11]

47
All probationary police officers should undertake the operational phases of their probationary training doing team policing in the community. [para. 7.12]

48
Where practicable, policing teams should patrol on foot. [para. 7.13]

49
Neighbourhood policing teams should be empowered to determine their own local priorities and set their own objectives, within the overall Annual Policing Plan and in consultation with community representatives. [para. 7.14]

50
The Northern Ireland police should, both at a service-wide level and at patrol team level, conduct crime pattern and complaint pattern analysis to provide an information-led, problem-solving approach to policing. All police officers should be instructed in problem-solving techniques and encouraged to address the causes of problems as well as the consequences (the priority being to train beat managers and their teams); and they should be regularly appraised as to their performance in doing so. [para. 7.16]

51
DPPB members and other community leaders should be able to attend police training courses in problem-solving techniques. [para. 7.17]


Policing in a Peaceful Society

52
Police stations built from now on should have, so far as possible, the appearance of ordinary buildings; they should have low perimeter walls, and be clearly visible from the street; but they should have security features, which may be activated or reinforced as necessary. [para. 8.5]

53
Existing police stations should – subject to the security situation in their areas and to health and safety considerations – be progressively made less forbidding in appearance, more accessible to public callers and more congenial for those working in them. The public reception areas inside police stations should be made more welcoming, and civilian receptionists could replace police officers. [para. 8.6]

54
District police commanders should have discretion to decide in consultation with their local community how best to balance their resources between static posts and mobile patrols. [para. 8.7]

55
Police cars should continue to be substituted as patrol vehicles in place of armoured Landrovers, and the use of armoured Landrovers should be limited to threatening situations. [para. 8.8]

56
As soon as possible (that is, as soon as the incidence of deployment ceases to be regular) armoured Landrovers should be moved to depots, to be kept in reserve for use in public order policing for as long as this contingency may be required. [para. 8.9]

57
The word "Police" should be painted onto the sides of all Landrovers. [para. 8.10]

58
The role of the army should continue to be reduced, as quickly as the security situation will allow, so that the police can patrol all parts of Northern Ireland without military support. [para. 8.11]

59
For as long as the prospect remains of substantial public order policing demands on the scale seen at Drumcree in recent years, the army should retain the capacity to provide support for the police in meeting those demands. [para. 8.12]

60
Provided the threat of terrorism in Northern Ireland diminishes to the point where no additional special powers are necessary to combat it, legislation against terrorism should be the same in Northern Ireland as in the rest of the United Kingdom. [para. 8.14]

61
In the meantime, with immediate effect, records should be kept of all stops and searches and other such actions taken under emergency powers. [para. 8.14]

62
The three holding centres at Castlereagh, Gough barracks and Strand Road should be closed forthwith and all suspects should in future be detained in custody suites based in police stations. [para. 8.15]

63
Video recording should be introduced into the PACE custody suites. [para. 8.16]

64
Responsibility for inspecting all custody and interrogation suites should rest with the Policing Board, and Lay Visitors should be empowered not only to inspect the conditions of detention (as at present), but also to observe interviews on camera subject to the consent of the detainee (as is the case for cell visits). [para. 8.16]

65
The question of moving towards the desired objective of a routinely unarmed police service should be periodically reviewed in the light of developments in the security environment. [para. 8.19]


Public Order Policing

66
The Northern Ireland police should have the capacity within its own establishment to deal with public order emergencies without help from other police services and without more than the present level of support from the army. [para. 9.6]

67
It should be a condition for the approval of a parade that the organizers should provide their own marshals, and the organizers and the police should work together to plan the policing of such events. This should involve as appropriate the representatives of the neighbourhoods involved in the parade route. [para. 9.9]

68
Marshal training should be further developed, with an appropriate qualification on successful completion of the training. All parades should be marshalled and, as soon as practicable, it should be a requirement that all potentially contentious parades requiring a decision or determination by the Parades Commission should be marshalled by qualified personnel. [para. 9.10]

69
An immediate and substantial investment should be made in a research programme to find an acceptable, effective and less potentially lethal alternative to the Plastic Baton Round (PBR). [para. 9.15]

70
The police should be equipped with a broader range of public order equipment than the RUC currently possess, so that a commander has a number of options at his/her disposal which might reduce reliance on, or defer resort to, the PBR. [para. 9.16]

71
The use of PBRs should be subject to the same procedures for deployment, use and reporting as apply in the rest of the United Kingdom. Their use should be confined to the smallest necessary number of specially trained officers, who should be trained to think of the weapon in the same way as they would think of a firearm, that is as a weapon which is potentially lethal. Use of PBRs should in the first instance require the authorisation of a district commander. This should be justified in a report to the Policing Board, which should be copied to the Police Ombudsman. Wherever possible, video camera recordings should be made of incidents in which the use of PBRs is authorised. [para. 9.17]

72
Officers’ identification numbers should be clearly visible on their protective clothing, just as they should be on regular uniforms. [para. 9.18]

73
The Policing Board and, as appropriate, the Police Ombudsman should actively monitor police performance in public order situations, and if necessary seek reports from the Chief Constable and follow up those reports if they wish. [para. 9.19]

74
Guidance governing the deployment and use of PBRs should be soundly based in law, clearly expressed and readily available as public documents. [para. 9.20]


Management and Personnel

75
The Northern Ireland police leadership team should include specialists in change management. These may be either civilians or police officers, preferably both. The leadership team should produce a programme for change, to be presented to the Policing Board and reviewed periodically by the Board. The efficiency and effectiveness of each chief officer should be judged on the basis of, among other things, their capacity to introduce and adapt to change. [para. 10.3]

76
District commanders should have fully devolved authority over the deployment of personnel (officer and civilian) within their command, devolved budgets (including salary budgets), authority to purchase a range of goods and services, and to finance local policing initiatives. They should reach service level agreements with all headquarter support departments. [para. 10.7]

77
It should be a high priority of management to ensure that the appraisal system is fully effective. This system should be used as part of the promotion and selection process. An officer’s capacity for change should be assessed and should also be taken into account in the promotion and selection process. [para. 10.10]

78
District commanders should be required regularly to account to their senior officers for the patterns of crime and police activity in their district and to explain how they propose to address their districts’ problems. [para. 10.11]

79
An automated trend identification system for complaints should be introduced. [para. 10.12]

80
The use of trend information should be followed up by management, and as appropriate by the department responsible for discipline, and guidance should be drawn up to help managers use this information effectively. [para. 10.13]

81
Police managers should use random checks as a way to monitor the behaviour of their officers in dealings with the public and their integrity. [para. 10.14]

82
Police management should use all the tools at its disposal, including when necessary the administrative dismissal process, to ensure that high professional and ethical standards are consistently met. [para. 10.15]

83
There should be a tenure policy, so that officers do not have inordinately long postings in any specialist area of the police. [para. 10.16]

84
Officers injured on duty should be treated as a separate category for sickness recording purposes. [para. 10.17]

85
A new policy should be formulated for the management of long-term sickness absence, incorporating appropriate arrangements for medical retirement, career counselling and welfare support. A system of rewards, as well as sanctions, should be introduced as part of the sickness management policy. [para. 10.19]

86
There should be a more detailed review of sickness absence, to establish underlying causes and to make recommendations to address them. [para. 10.19]

87
A substantial fund should be set up to help injured police officers, injured retired officers and their families, as well as police widows. [para. 10.20]

88
The Widows Association should be given an office in police premises, free of charge, and a regular source of finance adequate to run their organization. [para. 10.21]

89
The Assistant Chief Constables currently responsible for support services should be replaced by two civilian Assistant Chief Officers, one responsible for personnel issues and one for finance and administration. [para. 10.22]

90
There should be a rigorous programme of civilianisation of jobs which do not require police powers, training or experience, exceptions being made only when it can be demonstrated that there is a good reason for a police officer to occupy the position. [para. 10.23]

91
The Policing Board and the police service should initiate a review of police support services with a view to contracting out those services where this will enhance the efficient management of resources. Consideration should be given to allowing "management buy-outs" of support services by police officers or civilian employees interested in continuing to provide those services as a private sector company, and in such cases management buy-out contractors should be offered a secure contract for at least three years to enable them to establish themselves before having to tender for renewal. [para. 10.25]

92
The police should commission a comprehensive audit of the whole police estate, to include outside experts, and develop a strategy for achieving an effective and efficient estate to meet the objectives for policing as outlined in this report. [para. 10.28]


Information Technology

93
There should be an urgent, independent, and in-depth strategic review of the use of information technology (IT) in policing. It should benchmark the Northern Ireland police against police services in the rest of the world and devise a properly resourced strategy that places them at the forefront of law enforcement technology within 3 to 5 years. It should be validated by independent assessment. The strategy should deliver fully integrated technology systems that are readily accessible to all staff, and should take advantage of the best analytical and communications systems currently available. Users of the technology should play a key part in devising the strategy, and in assessing its implementation. [para. 11.13]


Structure of the Police Service

94
There should be one district command for each District Council area. [para. 12.4]

95
In general, each district command should be headed by a Superintendent and resourced sufficiently to be self-contained for day-to-day policing purposes and capable of marshalling strength to cope with most unexpected demands. However, in the districts with small populations the commander should be a Chief Inspector, and the districts should draw on assistance from larger neighbouring district commands for functions in which it is not feasible for a small command to be self-sufficient. [para. 12.5]

96
The divisional layer of management and the regional headquarters should be removed, and there should be a direct reporting line from each district commander to the appropriate Assistant Chief Constable at central police headquarters. District commanders in smaller council areas, whatever their rank, should have such a direct reporting line, reflecting the accountability arrangements we have recommended. There should be much greater delegation of decision-making authority to district commanders than is the case now with sub-divisional commanders, including control over a devolved budget and all police resources in their district. [para. 12.6]

97
There should be a slimmer structure at police headquarters – one that reflects the shift of focus towards community policing and the delegation of responsibility to district commanders, and permits a more rigorous and strategic approach to management. There should be no more than one Deputy Chief Constable. The number of Assistant Chief Officers should be reduced to six from the present twelve. The position of "Deputy Assistant Chief Constable" should be deleted forthwith. The rank of Chief Superintendent should be phased out. [para. 12.9]

98
Special Branch and Crime Branch should be brought together under the command of a single Assistant Chief Constable. [para. 12.12]

99
There should be a substantial reduction in the number of officers engaged in security work in the new, amalgamated command. [para. 12.13]

100
Security officers should be required to keep their district commanders well briefed on security activities in their districts, and district commanders should be fully consulted before security operations are undertaken in their district. [para. 12.14]

101
The support units of Special Branch should be amalgamated into the wider police service. [para. 12.15]

102
Officers should not spend such long periods in security work as has been common in the past. [para 12.16]

103
The future police service should not include a Full Time Reserve. [para. 12.17]

104
There should be an enlarged Part Time Reserve of up to 2,500 officers, the additional recruits to come from those areas in which there are currently very few reservists or none at all. [para. 12.18]


Size of the Police Service

105
Provided the peace process does not collapse and the security situation does not deteriorate significantly from the situation pertaining at present, the approximate size of the police service over the next ten years should be 7,500 full time officers. [para. 13.9]


106
The early retirement or severance package offered to regular officers and full time reservists aged 50 or above should include a generous lump sum payment according to length of service, pension enhancement of up to five years, early payment of pension commutation entitlement and payment in lieu of pension until pensionable age is reached. Full time reservists should be treated as far as possible in the same way as regular officers. [para. 13.12]

107
Regular officers with more than five years’ service and all full time reservists, leaving the police service before the age of 50, should receive a substantial lump sum payment. [para. 13.13]

108
The Training and Employment Agency should develop measures for police officers (and civilians) seeking other employment, in consultation with police management and the staff associations. The Police Retraining and Rehabilitation Trust should have a role in this programme, and should have enhanced staffing and funding to enable it to deal with a substantially larger workload. [para. 13.17]

109
Police recruiting agencies in Great Britain should take full account of the policing experience of former RUC reservists in considering applications for employment in police services in Great Britain. [para. 13.19]

110
The British government should offer former reservists the opportunity to participate in British policing contingents in United Nations peacekeeping operations. [para. 13.19]


Composition and Recruitment of the Police Service

111
The Northern Ireland Civil Service management should facilitate transfers of civilian members of the police service to other Northern Ireland departments and should cooperate with the Policing Board and the Chief Constable in achieving a balanced and representative civilian workforce. [para. 14.16]

112
Every effort should be made to ensure that the composition of the staff of the Policing Board, the NIO Police Division (or any successor body), and the office of the Police Ombudsman should be broadly reflective of the population of Northern Ireland as a whole, particularly in terms of political/religious tradition and gender. [para. 14.17]

113
All community leaders, including political party leaders and local councillors, bishops and priests, schoolteachers and sports authorities, should take steps to remove all discouragements to members of their communities applying to join the police, and make it a priority to encourage them to apply. [para. 15.2]

114
The Gaelic Athletic Association should repeal its rule 21, which prohibits members of the police in Northern Ireland from being members of the Association. [para. 15.2]

115
Liaison should be established between all schools and universities and the police service in Northern Ireland immediately, and work experience attachments and familiarisation days should be organized with active support and encouragement from community leaders and teachers. [para. 15.4]

116
Provided there is active support and encouragement from local political and community leaders, pilot police cadet schemes should be set up. [para. 15.6]

117
The police should contract out the recruitment of both police officers and civilians into the police service. There should be lay involvement, including community representatives, on recruitment panels. [para. 15.7]

118
The recruitment agency should advertise imaginatively and persistently, particularly in places likely to reach groups who are under-represented in the police. [para. 15.8]

119
The agency should advertise beyond Northern Ireland, in the rest of the United Kingdom and in the Republic of Ireland. [para. 15.8]

120
All candidates for the police service should continue to be required to reach a specified standard of merit in the selection procedure. Candidates reaching this standard should then enter a pool from which the required number of recruits can be drawn. [para. 15.9]

121
An equal number of Protestants and Catholics should be drawn from the pool of qualified candidates. [para. 15.10]

122
Priority should be given to creating opportunities for part time working and job-sharing, both for police officers and police service civilians, and career breaks should be introduced. [para. 15.11]

123
Child care facilities should be introduced where practicable, or child care vouchers and flexible shift arrangements offered. [para. 15.11]

124
The recruitment process should be reduced to no more than six months. [para. 15.12]

125
Young people should not be automatically disqualified from entry into the police service for relatively minor criminal offences, particularly if they have since had a number of years without further transgressions. The criteria on this aspect of eligibility should be the same as those in the rest of the United Kingdom. There should be a procedure for appeal to the Police Ombudsman against disqualification of candidates. [para. 15.13]

126
All officers – those now in service as well as all future recruits – should be obliged to register their interests and associations. The register should be held both by the police service and by the Police Ombudsman. [para. 15.16]

127
The recruitment agency should seek to identify Northern Ireland Catholic officers in other police services, including the Garda Siochana, contact them and encourage them – particularly those in more senior ranks – to apply for positions in the Northern Ireland police. [para. 15.17]

128
Lateral entry of experienced officers from other police services, and secondments or recruitments from non-police organizations should be actively encouraged. [para. 15.18]


Training, Education and Development

129
A training, education and development strategy should be put in place, both for recruit training and for in-service training, which is linked to the aims of this report and to the objectives and priorities set out in the policing plans. These plans should incorporate training and development requirements. [para. 16.4]

130
A total training and development budget should be established, covering all aspects of training, and this should be safeguarded against transfers to other sub-heads. [para. 16.5]

131
The Northern Ireland police should have a new purpose-built police college and the funding for it should be found in the next public spending round. [para. 16.6]

132
There should be service level agreements between police districts/departments and the police Training Branch setting out what the Branch is expected to deliver to the district or department concerned. [para. 16.8]

133
There should be a high degree of civilian input into the recruit training programme. The director of the training centre (and the new college when this is opened) should have both academic qualifications and management expertise. Civilian instructors should be employed, or brought in as necessary to conduct as many elements of the training programme as possible. Some modules of recruit training should be contracted out to universities and delivered on university premises, ideally together with non-police students. [para. 16.10]

134
Civilian recruits to the police service should also attend the police college, and do some of their training together with police officer recruits. [para. 16.11]

135
Recruits who do not already have degrees should be encouraged to acquire appropriate academic qualifications during the first two years of their career. Encouragement should be given to those officers who wish to go on to study for further relevant qualifications. [para. 16.12]

136
Attestation as a police officer should take place only upon successful completion of the recruit training course. A sufficiently rigorous standard should be required for success in that course; and completion of the course should be marked by a graduation ceremony. [para. 16.13]

137
The hours spent on drill should be considerably reduced. [para. 16.14]

138
Problem-solving and partnership approaches should be central to the recruit training course, and scenario exercises should be further developed as training tools. [para. 16.16]

139
Community awareness training for police recruits should be developed to include representatives of all the main political and religious traditions in Northern Ireland. Community awareness should not be seen as a stand-alone element of recruit training; it should be integrated into all aspects of training. [para. 16.17]

140
The Northern Ireland police should introduce a comprehensive tutor officer scheme. Tutor officers should be carefully selected, according to their commitment and adaptability to the new style of policing, and trained. [para. 16.18]

141
Every member of the police service should have, as soon as possible, a course on the impact on policing of the new constitutional arrangements for Northern Ireland, the new policing arrangements set out in this report, and the reforms of the criminal justice system. [para. 16.20]

142
As a matter of priority, all members of the police service should be instructed in the implications for policing of the Human Rights Act 1998, and the wider context of the European Convention on Human Rights and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [para. 16.21]

143
All police managers should have management training, as appropriate, and every manager should at some stage of his/her career do a management course in a non-police environment, such as a business school or university. Use should be made of management workshops, so that managers can discuss and develop with each other how best to reshape the police organization. [para. 16.22]

144
Every officer and civilian in the service should undergo adequate training in information technology. [para. 16.23]

145
Opportunities should be taken for joint training with civilian analysts, and members of other police services. [para. 16.23]

146
The Northern Ireland police should draw on the success of neighbourhood policing in such places as the Markets area of Belfast in developing a neighbourhood policing training programme for all members of the police service. Standard training for neighbourhood officers should include modules on such community problems as domestic violence, child abuse, rape, drugs and youth issues and this training should be updated as necessary. [para. 16.24]

147
The training curricula for the police service should be publicly available, and easily accessible, eg. on the Internet. [para. 16.25]

148
Some training sessions should be open to members of the public to attend, upon application, priority being given to members of the Policing Board or District Policing Partnership Boards, Lay Visitors, or other bodies, statutory or non-governmental, involved in working with the police. [para. 16.26]

149
The new police college should offer a pilot citizens course, to assess demand in Northern Ireland. [para. 16.26]


Culture, Ethos and Symbols

150
While the Royal Ulster Constabulary should not be disbanded, it should henceforth be named the Northern Ireland Police Service. [para. 17.6]

151
The Northern Ireland Police Service should adopt a new badge and symbols which are entirely free from any association with either the British or Irish states. [para. 17.6]

152
The Union flag should no longer be flown from police buildings. [para. 17.6]

153
On those occasions on which it is appropriate to fly a flag on police buildings, the flag flown should be that of the Northern Ireland Police Service and it, too, should be free from associations with the British or Irish states. [para. 17.6]

154
The colour of the current police uniform should be retained, but a new, more practical style of uniform should be provided to police officers. [para. 17.7]

155
Police memorials in police buildings should remain as they are and where they are. [para. 17.8]

156
The maintenance of a neutral working environment should become an assessed management responsibility at all levels of management. [para. 17.9]


Cooperation with other Police Services

157
The Northern Ireland police and the Garda Siochana should have written protocols covering key aspects of cooperation. [para. 18.7]

158
The present pattern of meetings between the police services in Northern Ireland and the Republic should be enhanced by an annual conference, designed to drive forward cooperation in areas of common concern. [para. 18.8]

159
There should be a programme of long-term personnel exchanges, such as fixed-term secondments, between the Northern Ireland police and the Garda, in specialist fields where cooperation between the two services is most needed, such as drugs, and in areas such as training. [para. 18.10]

160
Consideration should be given to posting liaison officers from each service to the central headquarters and/or border area headquarters of the other. [para. 18.10]

161
There should be structured cooperation between the two police services in training. [para. 18.11]

162
There should be joint disaster planning between the Northern Ireland police and the Garda Siochana and the plans should be tested by regular joint exercises. [para. 18.12]

163
Consideration should be given to establishing a provision for an immediate exchange of officers and pooling of investigative teams after major incidents with a substantial cross-border dimension, akin to the arrangements which exist between Kent and the police services of France and Belgium. [para. 18.13]

164
Every effort should be made to ensure that fast, effective and reliable communications are established between the Garda and the Northern Ireland police both through improved radio links and through compatible IT systems. [para. 18.14]

165
Joint database development should be pursued as a matter of priority in all the main areas of cross-border criminality, such as drugs, smuggling, vehicle theft and terrorism. [para. 18.15]

166
A determined effort should be made to develop exchanges, and long-term secondments, between the Northern Ireland police and police services in Great Britain. [para. 18.16]

167
There should be training exchanges and some joint training between the Northern Ireland police and police services in Great Britain. [para. 18.17]

168
Consideration should be given to structured links between the four principal police training establishments in the British Isles, namely Bramshill (England), Templemore (Republic of Ireland), Tulliallan (Scotland) and Garnerville or the proposed new police college in Northern Ireland. [para. 18.17]

169
International training exchanges should be further developed, focussing in particular on matters where the police in Northern Ireland need overseas police cooperation and on best practice developments in policing worldwide. There should be cooperation with other police services in the field of research. [para. 18.18]

170
The police should develop opportunities to provide more training for overseas police services in their areas of excellence. [para. 18.19]

171
The Northern Ireland police should be ready to participate in future United Nations peace-keeping operations. [para. 18.20]

172
An eminent person, from a country other than the United Kingdom or Ireland, should be appointed as soon as possible as an oversight commissioner with responsibility for supervising the implementation of our recommendations. [para. 19.4]

173
The government, the police service, and the Policing Board (and DPPBs) should provide the oversight commissioner with objectives (with timetables) covering their own responsibilities, and should report on the progress achieved at the periodic review meetings, and account for any failures to achieve objectives. [para. 19.5]

174
The commissioner should in turn report publicly after each review meeting on the progress achieved, together with his or her observations on the extent to which any failures or delays are the responsibility of the policing institutions themselves or due to matters beyond their control. [para. 19.5]

175
The oversight commissioner should be appointed for a term of five years. [para. 19.6]

Full Report: https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/issues/police/patten/patten99.pdf

Source: Chris Patten
https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/issues/police/patten/recommend.htm

彭定康怎樣解開北愛爾蘭三十年的警民仇恨之結?

自林鄭引用緊急法訂立蒙面法後,一向言談從容婉轉的彭定康接受 Sky News 訪問少有地表現憤怒,直刀直入地怒斥林鄭引用緊急法的行為是「Crazy」﹑「Absolutely madness」(看過不少彭定康的訪談從未見過他這般生氣)。整件事的笑位的是林鄭居然在記者會上質疑彭定康,反問如果類似事件發生在自己國家,他會如何處理...... (條友真係唔識架喎)

事實是,彭定康作為1998年成立的北愛爾蘭治安獨立委員會主席,成功化解了北愛爾蘭三十年來的警民仇恨。1999年出版,正式名字為《新開始:北愛爾蘭的治安》的《彭定康報告》成為了世界上處理類似衝突的藍本。林鄭此話一出立即被全城恥笑。

彭定康回憶錄裡面憶述關於自己在北愛爾蘭工作的章節名為「Crazy Irish Knots」,形容北愛問題像死結一般。三十年的衝突除了涉及主權﹑種族﹑階級與宗教矛盾外,其中一個激起長年衝突的原因就是警察濫暴問題。當年的北愛有四成天主教徒人口,而北愛皇家阿爾斯特警察(Royal Ulster Constabulary) 卻只有8% 天主教徒,新教徒佔警隊大多數。皇家阿爾斯特警察歧視信奉天生教的愛爾蘭人,而且對不少共和派(主張愛爾蘭島統一)天主教徒進行濫殺及酷刑。激發起實行恐佈主義的準軍事組織愛爾蘭共和軍崛起。

1998年北愛問題稍為平靜之際,北愛爾蘭自治政府、愛爾蘭政府和英國政府簽訂《貝爾法斯特協議》,展開了北愛和平進程。各方協議需要處理的其中一大難題就是臭名遠播的皇家阿爾斯特警察問題,親愛的共和派要求解散警隊,親英的保皇派則要求保留皇家阿爾斯特警察,這個問題被當時被認定為無法解開的結。

就在彭定康離任港督回到英國的幾個月後,時任北愛爾蘭內閣大臣 Mo Mowlam 邀請他成為北愛爾蘭治安獨立委員會主席。曾為北愛爾蘭次長以及作為愛爾蘭裔天主教徒的身份讓彭定康比更多英國政治家更合適擔任此角色。

彭定康如何解開這個死結?

彭定康委員會成立後,除了翻查多年來警民衝突的資料,亦開始邀請公眾投寄意見書及問卷﹑舉行大量焦點小組(Focus group) ﹑會世界各地的警察專家會面,並於北愛爾蘭不同地方舉行公眾對話會。

彭定康回憶起當時準備到一個叫 Portadown 的小鎮出席對話會前夕,小鎮附近遭受愛爾蘭共和軍的炸彈襲擊,造成31人死亡。但那次對話會依然吸引約一萬人出席,約一千人發言。而在這個危險的環境下,彭定康與其他委員會成員反而決定放棄保安措施。這是因為他們認為在市民與警察的嚴重對立下,警察在會上的存在會令市民無法暢所欲言。

在調查中,彭定康認為警隊要成功改革,需要經得起五大測試:

1. 未來的警隊能否有效用且效率高的治安工作
2. 他們能否提供不偏不倚的治安工作,且不受黨派控制
3. 他們能否對法律及社群問責
4. 他們能否讓警察在社會上變得更有代表性
5. 報告的建議能否維護所有人的人權與尊嚴

經過一年的調查,彭定康認為北愛的警隊無須砍掉重練,但需進行大量沿革,並於1999年發表報告提出175項改革建議,其中包括在報告發表後的十年內,將警隊召募比例上天主教徒與新教徒各佔一半﹑將皇家阿爾斯特警察改名為北愛爾蘭警察 (Police Service Northern Ireland),以去除任何英國與愛爾蘭的政治色彩,警署不再升起英國國旗﹑將警隊管理獨立於行政部門﹑大規模削減警隊編制等等。報告發表後初期,各界仍有不同聲音,但這份報告於後來成功平息了共和派與保皇派的嚴重分歧。報告至今二十年,北愛人對警隊的信任比例由當時的谷底上升至81%。彭定康化腐朽為神奇。

在整個調查研究中,彭定康抱著一些信念,認為警隊必須遠離政治角力與暴力的核心,以及不要逃避嘗試以溫和的手法去做對的事。

歷史告訴我們,社會上一些複雜難解的死結也有解開的可能。問題只在於掌控權力的人有沒有決心與氣度去嘗試把出軌的列車返回正軌。明顯地,林鄭兩樣特質也沒有。面對警員失控﹑警隊濫暴﹑學生站出來指證警察非禮﹑被捕人士的全裸屍體浮於海面等等幾個月前無法想像的可怕荒謬事件,她仍然無動於衷,並只懂將情況火上加油。加上一堆堆令人傻眼的失常行徑,例如邀請美國參議員到港會談卻臨時失約。

很快,香港就只剩兩條出路:變成另一個北愛爾蘭或者另一個新疆。

真正的千古罪人不是彭定康,而是林鄭月娥。

Source: Fungy Leely 豐吉‧莉莉
https://medium.com/@fungyleely/%E5%BD%AD%E5%AE%9A%E5%BA%B7%E6%80%8E%E6%A8%A3%E8%A7%A3%E9%96%8B%E5%8C%97%E6%84%9B%E7%88%BE%E8%98%AD%E4%B8%89%E5%8D%81%E5%B9%B4%E7%9A%84%E8%AD%A6%E6%B0%91%E4%BB%87%E6%81%A8%E4%B9%8B%E7%B5%90-7c5f3771c569

Sunday, September 29, 2019

不聽命的不是戰士,不要贏的不是戰士,不要命的更不是戰士

不聽命的不是戰士,不要贏的不是戰士,不要命的更不是戰士。只是土匪流寇,與那些元朗北角荃灣的黑幫同類。

你們有機會輸,而且沒仇報,甚至被共匪嘉許的新泛民在當權之後與目前的衙差加倍陷害。

戰爭,你首先要知道敵人是誰。也許你們抗拒知道,你們的敵人是中共和中共委託的新泛民偽港獨,而不是差役。差役只是工具,你打工具是沒意思的,只是證明你膽怯和愚笨,你輸一世。

那些人叫一聲天滅中共、驅逐共黨都不敢,鳩叫時代革命,你根本不是打仗,而是在膽怯,夢語,差役不打這些人打誰?

Source: 陳雲

https://www.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=10157448549407225&id=589657224&_rdr

騎劫

陳雲:臨睡,有話直說,香港人有耳的就該聽。新屋嶺的集中營、太子站的冤魂、乃至在街頭受辱被打被罵被關的無名志士,不一定會因為普選民主而得到昭雪,甚至可以斷定是不會。

鄙人用了道家計策,鼓吹流水鬥爭,加上無名無姓的蒙面同道努力,遠赴大阪G20請願、舉美國旗唱美國國歌,感動美國政壇,如今美國國會加速為《香港人權與民主法案》立法,特朗普願意納入香港自治民主為中美談判議程之先決條件。

承蒙一眾同道不棄鄙人,大家千辛萬苦,披肝瀝膽,香港民主普選在望。然而,共匪派出有名有姓的明星和代表來騎劫,扭曲了過程。

這個現象,大家目睹。過程扭曲了,結果就不一樣。

結果是怎麼樣?我這位被眾人視為智者的人,該老實告訴各位,毛澤東喜歡引用唐代詩人劉禹錫一句詩:「沉舟側畔千帆過,病樹前頭萬木春」,就是說,新開的帆船不會理會倒臥在湖底的沉船而拼命啟航出發,幼小的樹木不會顧念身邊需要陽光和養分的枯萎老樹而拼命爭取陽光養分去生長。沉船被新船弄得更深埋於湖底,老樹被新樹搶奪陽光養分而死去。這就是偽港獨、真中共講的「世代革命」(「時代革命」的本來名詞!)

新屋嶺的集中營、太子站的冤魂、乃至在街頭受辱被打被罵被關的志士,不一定會因為普選民主而得到昭雪的,因為普選民主冒出來的人,就是中共和美國財團這些深層國家安排的新泛民的小青年們和老泛民的老而不們。這些新人舊人壞人得位不正,必會維護現時的地產財閥結構和軍政法西斯團隊。

香港的犧牲者,如果好像台灣二二八慘劇或韓國光州革命那樣,在幾十年之後得到昭雪,已經是萬幸。最大的可能,是好像中國文革、六四屠殺和西班牙內戰的犧牲者一樣,被遺忘掉,因為中國和西班牙至今都沒有正義領袖上台。正義領袖不一定是民選可以產生的。

我敢說,能夠正義處理香港局面的,只有我陳雲一人,沒有第二個。朋友日前說,香港懂得政治的只有兩個人。一個是梁振英,一個是陳雲。梁振英是什麼人,大家知道。陳雲是善性的,不是惡性的那種。

然而,我上台的機會是負數。而我也做好準備捨壽他去。

在目前我可做的,不是爭名奪利,這些我不需要。名為已經夠了,利我也沒壽命去享。我要做的是傳道於弟子與大眾,留正道於人間。

將來,為香港的匹夫匹婦報仇。好事未必做得了,報仇一定要做。

君子報仇,乃《春秋》大義。小人不會為你報仇的,小人認賊作父,恩將仇報。


Source: 陳雲

https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/pfbid0TwxM4mbcnfyQJUwQCDxhVrqM3sgTTyBA9kc4WHwoVp2UpxNfr37UqX1zH2fShzTvl

Thursday, September 26, 2019

香港部署國際局面,有個次序,也有層面

免費講學時間。香港部署國際局面,有個次序,也有層面。很多人妒忌陳雲的計策,紛紛搶奪議程,去英國遊說BNO平權啦、去聯合國告狀啦之類,都是傻的。我的東西他們這麼容易學到,他們就不用一直跟在我後面來罵我是癲佬啦。

講學時間開始!干預香港局面的是中國,主導香港局面的是美國,而有能力干預中共及保護香港的,是美國。美國是中港政治的交集點(intersection),故此香港人必須全力向美國求援,而且直接向特朗普求援,因為特朗普正是要出來改變中美局面的人。過去的幾任美國總統是支持中美聯手剝削中國和香港的,但特朗普要搞局(rock the boat),要動搖deep state對中美的佈局,故此特朗普一出來,香港人必須飛撲過去請他幫忙!我出書支持特朗普(《特朗普厚黑學 2017》),用了兩年時間部署言論,在香港全方位支持特朗普的國際政治,特朗普的幕僚當然知道的。

特朗普捱過了美國國會的彈劾之後,站穩了腳跟,就會回頭處理中國貿易問題,他處理中國貿易問題有空子可鑽的時候,就會處理香港問題。

這個空子,就是今年五月,習近平忽然推翻了中國貿易談判代表劉鶴在美國談來的150頁協議(這是中央政治常委贊成漏夜推翻不談的,他們是在陷害習近平!),之後就是大阪的G20高峰會。我請同道去大阪G20高峰會舉旗,在國際社會目睹的情況下,向特朗普總統求助,就是把握這個千載難逢的時機。

千載難逢,千鈞一髮。這種時機的把握,沒有幾十年研究《易經》和從政的鍛煉,你不會掌握到。(香港復興會仍有《易經》重溫課程。)

結果,當然是空前成功!特朗普前日在聯合國大會向國際宣稱,中共在香港的表現,是世界參考的標準,而中共必須答應妥善處理香港問題,才可以來做中美談判。也許大家不知道,陳雲是華人界,甚至整個世界的政論家之中,在特朗普仍在競選總統的時候,寫書歌頌特朗普,書也拜託美國領事送了給他手上。這不是賭注,而是付託。將香港的命運,付託於一位傑出的美國政治家。

目前,偽港獨去英國遊說國會給BNO平權,日前給英國國會斷然拒絕。偽港獨是抄襲陳雲而不知道時機問題,這些小孩除了欺負陳雲、欺師滅祖之外,毫無做事經驗和做人道德。

特朗普輔助英國首相約翰遜佈局脫歐,並向約翰遜面授機宜,叫約翰遜不要懼怕國會彈劾。之後特朗普的部署,是倫敦的金融中心回復到英語世界管治,英美簽訂兩國貿易協議。當然,香港的金融中心也會回到英語世界,三大交易中心在英美手上。

再之後,才是英美共同處理香港前途問題,英國會拿《中英聯合聲明》來做文章將英國的監管年期從五十年再延長九十九年,給予香港足夠的主權懸空時間,給香港捕捉中國政府滅亡的最佳重立國體的機會。陳雲文化沙龍,今個星期六及日的下午重溫,大家請來目睹陳雲最精密的思考過程,增強智力。

智力閱讀門檻:IQ105

Source: 陳雲
https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10157439103107225

Sunday, September 15, 2019

「反送中」運動如何不重蹈黃背心覆轍

九月四日《解放報》評論林鄭月娥撤回送中法案為「回應太少、回應太遲」(trop peu, trop tard);若說馬克龍的time delay為三個星期,林鄭則delay了三個月,而之間所發生的種種事情可謂不可逆轉——大幅的警暴與制度的崩壞,使香港人難以「收貨」。若林鄭想模仿馬克龍以撤回、派糖和諮詢來分化抗爭陣營,一切均來得太晚。筆者與黃背心Dimitri交談時,他慨歎:「那時,一大群apolitique(apolitical)的素人中計了,誤信馬克龍想修補撕裂,但我讀到香港人在雨傘時被騙過一次,我想你們大概不會再中計吧……」

的確,香港人在今次的運動不斷蛻變,從「和勇」合作,到「不割席、不分化、不篤灰」,以及如水般(be water)地不斷創新、凝聚和保存實力,這些皆是香港人五年前,甚至在近年世界各地的社運中極其罕見。但這並不代表在林鄭講話後,運動仍能維持原有的政治能量,不如看看黃背心的經驗。

為平息民怨,一直在運動爆發後「玩失蹤」的馬克龍去年十二月十日發表講話:除撤回燃油稅,更有「派糖」政策如增加最低工資。他承認自己未能及時正視民意,並以嘉許單親媽媽勇敢堅強(初期黃背心中有不少單親母親),算是表現對黃背心作出「間接性道歉」。他提出落區與民對話,聆聽各階層聲音,修補社會撕裂。可是,馬克龍拒絕重設富人稅的訴求,亦無有效扶貧計劃。總統講話後黃背心支持度雖未見下跌,但「收貨」聲不斷。溫和派召集人之一Mouraud更公開提出「鳴金收兵」,加上當時聖誕佳節臨近,運動陷入第一波死寂狀態。而發表講話一個月,運動進入低潮期,大多溫和派退場,令堅實派進入捱打狀態。內政部長Castaner加強鎮壓,希望速戰速決,對前線抗爭者使用大量不必要武力,獨立紀錄片拍攝者Rodriguez被警方流彈弄盲右眼,頃刻成了「人民英雄」,引來各方聲援,將垂死的運動拯救過來,年初更引來聯合國關注並成立調查委員會,運動依着反警暴路線重新累積民意。

同時,馬克龍團隊落區常被指「做騷」,及後的「學界大辯論」更遭到一眾知名學者杯葛,運動至第十八周前支持度因而不斷提升。黃背心擅用野貓式戰略擾亂香榭麗舍大道秩序,而普羅大眾對當中名店區感情並不深厚,所以不支持亦不反對。黃背心只影響遊客及法國經濟,沒有所謂「群眾對群眾」狀况出現。似乎運動還能延續一段時間,馬克龍極為頭痛,更有消息傳出總統欲以緊急法出兵鎮壓,但使用「緊急法」將為法國民主形象和信譽帶來無窮後患,政府急忙澄清。

運動的第十八周乃政府連串諮詢會完結之時,黃背心控訴馬克龍以「假諮詢」收買人心,號召全國大型集會,而各省的黃背心均有隊伍到巴黎響應「重奪凱旋門」。豈料當天多隊黑群(black bloc)和前線勇武派成員打砸和焚燒多間名店,更火燒路邊無關的報紙檔,又釀成多番警民衝突。雖有行動者立即發出聲明表示「不割席」,解釋被破壞餐廳乃前總統的愛好,名店是社會不公的象徵,又堅持示威者還擊警察乃防衛手段等等……但大眾(甚至不少溫和的黃背心)對當天行動的暴力程度仍是極度反感和抗拒。其後幾星期黑群的持續參與和焚燒行動引來更多人的反彈,令黃背心在五一大遊行後正式步向衰亡。

黃背心衰亡的八大原因

一、政府的分化與抹黑:社運素人在黃背心中佔過半數比例,法案一撤回,大部分經驗不多的素人雖然心有不甘,仍頓時「收貨」。

二、初衷被遺忘:法案被撤後,政府和與其友好的媒體直接或間接地營造着黃背心「貪得無厭、見好不願收」之形象馬克龍回絕富人稅訴求後,抗爭者並無堅持反而轉移重點至反警暴等,令運動予人失焦感覺。

三、過於依賴反警暴論述:依賴暴力問題來維持運動人氣乃一把極危險的雙刃劍——警暴早期一般容易招來大眾同情和關注,但它同時很容易讓抗爭者跌進仇警情緒中,與一般未能親身體會警暴的大眾間築起一道溝通上的鴻溝。大眾會因為不斷出現的暴力畫面而漸變得無感或麻木,甚至感到煩厭。若警民衝突不斷持續,卻沒有更衝擊性的警暴醜聞證據,大眾在反警暴的蜜月期過後,更可能有blame the victims趨勢,將責任推回抗爭者身上。

四、示威者陣營的分化:政治和社運素人佔抗爭者的大多數,意味它與傳統法國左翼社運存在着溝通上、論述上和策略上的重大分野,容易產生派系分歧。雖然運動着重反大台,但仍不時受一些意見領袖影響,當中擅長陰謀論的Flyrider遭不少溫和派否定和排斥。另外,極左和極右勢力也有嘗試培植召集人和意見領袖,一方面高喊「拆大台」,但另一方面又試圖帶領運動論述,對運動構成一定負面形象,最終逼到不少apolitique(非左非右的政治素人)人士與其割席。到歐盟大選之前,有人提出以「支持」極右的勒龐來與「和理非」「攬炒」以抗衡馬克龍,最終釀成友方陣營更嚴重的分裂。

五、對勇武抗爭的抗拒或厭倦:前線人士一般被分為三類——黑群、打砸者(casseur)和盜竊者(voleur)。黑群通常穿full gear連群結隊,在前線擋着警方推進(有時甚至還擊),有些則打砸具象徵意義的死物,向政權進行控訴。黑群到第十八周前,在普遍參與者中認受性仍挺高,因不少人認為黑群有衝擊警方防線和保護後方作用。但後期因焚燒了無辜店舖(如獨立小店),hit-and-run策略亦不時連累無辜群眾被警方攻擊或拘捕,開始與黑群割席。正如旗手之一的Cédric跟筆者提到:「黑群打砸完後拍拍屁股便走了,吃催淚彈的卻是我們。」

打砸者則未必一定full gear,通常單獨出沒,所砸之對象不一定帶有政治信息,行動偶爾響應黑群,更多情况如社區組織者Stéphanie解釋:「我們根本難以分清他們是貪過癮,還是為保護示威者或控訴政權而打砸。」某些甚至與盜竊者無異,於行動現場趁火打砸,破壞運動。當割席時大眾和傳媒卻將三者混為一談。

六、年輕世代的缺席:總統講話後,警方開始進行全面打壓,年初於Mantes-la-Jolie甚至有警方進校拘捕,並迫使學生面壁下跪。年輕世代的參與因而止於萌芽之時,加上左翼未有共識,各大學學生會只好個別動員,窒礙了大專界的參與。

七、媒體戰敗陣:基於早期運動未有工會支持,定性尚未清晰,媒體報道一般未見正面;某些親建制媒體如Figaro和Bfmtv(猶如法版TVB)更多番抹黑示威者,抗爭者與媒體的惡劣關係惡性循環,令整場運動得不到媒體支持。

八、運動大論述轉型的失敗:黃背心早期的成功全賴建基於「燃油稅→被遺忘的貧苦大眾→環保與社會公義環環緊扣 」的方程式上,並將其化約成「眾怒反燃油稅」(France en colère contre taxe carbone)的大論述。然而,總統講話後,此方程式便不成立,抗爭者必須將與方程式相關的元素加進去,重整方程式,以轉型論述。可是,黃背心卻在此節骨眼上失策。他們後來雖提出全民公投和憲法改革兩項訴求,文宣既不完整又不普及,未能使公眾明白和體會與環保或社會公義有何關連。

反送中運動

無大台組織一直乃黃背心和反送中的致勝關鍵,因政府難以通過收編領袖以瓦解運動;同時,無領袖牽頭的模式可避免了不少派系間的奪權狀况,也減低論述被騎劫的風險。黃背心運動仍着重意見領袖的言論,最終躲不過一定程度的派系之爭;相反,反送中人士着重求同存異否定任何意見領袖對他派言論的攻擊,讓運動一直團結至今。而香港抗爭者對社交平台使用的出神入化,連登和各社交媒體在香港充當了抗爭者之間自我組織的有利平台;相比之下,黃背心既無類似連登的平台,在Telegram上的使用大多還停留在動員(而非組織)的功能上,組織的工作還是高度依賴朋友圈之間的溝通,大大窒礙了運動的跨群組、跨階層、跨地區發展。

論述決定行動,從而使運動變得可能。因此,在「反送中」論述逐漸褪色的情况下,大論述轉型尤其關鍵,不然運動只會步黃背心的後塵。同時,新的大論述不止要重新扣連社會各階層的利益,更要響應追求自由、民主等普世價值,從而爭取更大的國際支持,令香港的抗爭不至被孤立。當中文宣和論述戰與前線抗爭同樣重要,因為失去論述支持,前線的一切行動(不論「和理非」或勇武)皆變得空洞無力,也難以引發更進一步的行動。綜觀剩下的四大訴求中,真雙普選是暫時被抗爭者文宣刻畫最少,卻最有價值的論述戰場。試想真正能讓香港在未來不再掉進猶如送中法案的危機,唯一出路就是真雙普選,徹底地解決政府、議會從不問責於市民的結構性問題。五年前,真普選論述未至於深入民心,不少中間派的上一代人認為年輕世代不切實際,只懂追求對社會無甚好處的「民主」。然而,反送中一役讓不少淺黃、中間派甚至淺藍人士認清,民主其實與自身安危環環相扣,真普選訴求因此變得不再抽象,亦能扣連其他三大訴求,實乃將其打造成取代反送中大論述的大好時機。

堅守剩餘三大訴求固然重要,但與黃背心相似之處是,抗爭者在過去兩個月不斷強調反警暴,有時甚至超過反送中論述令一場爭取自由、對抗極權的運動淪為與國家機器的鬥爭。前工會領袖Alain指:「近日主流新聞的畫面都只聚焦在前線,因為能吸引眼球。現在連Hong Kong Free Press也只聚焦在暴力場面。我明白他們想呈現警暴的可怕,但人們對『暴力畫面』是會產生疲態,繼而麻木。反送中之前能吸引外國人目光,正正因為其多元和創意,以及對民主的追求,而非一般的『示威者被毆場面』。」只是向外媒或政客輸出「人道危機」說法,顯然乏力。畢竟論警暴,法國現在真的不輸香港。只有當文宣重新包裝論述將運動背後更着重的價值——自由、民主、人權,甚至命運自主——呈現出來,香港這場運動才能保留其獨有的魅力。

近日維吾爾族被文化清洗的情况愈來愈受西方社會關注,成為中西意識形態之爭的新戰場。早、中期的黃背心未有連結國際上同類群體的眼光,今天香港的抗爭應脫離地緣政治的形象,嘗試連結其他地方的抗爭,才能建立起國際連線,對抗極權暴政。維族人早前對香港抗爭的加持,讓西方社會的維權組織明白到:昨日新疆,今日香港,明日西方!

此外,香港的抗爭至今如此成功,媒體功不可沒。反送中另一比黃背心優勝之處,乃着重fact-check不擁抱陰謀論的文化,讓運動中的文宣在外媒的眼中保留了很高的參考價值。最後,筆者必須指出在運動內盡量限制武力使用的重要性。暴力於現今全球運動中已愈來愈不受歡迎,連被喻為勇武的法國人,也對打砸、焚燒行動愈來愈抗拒。從策略角度看,大幅度的勇武抗爭難以獲得外界支持;而失去外國與媒體支持的話,政府「關門打狗」的話香港人也難以奈何。况且,回顧歷史,真正的勇武革命在近代的成功率極細,成功案例也通常與軍政府有關;在一般發達地區中,基於既定的營商環境優勢(有時反成限制),採納「和理非」策略的運動反而相對有號召力。當然,香港現正幾近淪陷至police state,前線抗爭者使用武力防禦而非進行攻擊的話,是有一定「合理性」。然而,這份「合理性」在現今全球「和理非」氣候中,顯得一點也不理所當然;如果沒了文宣在背後支撐,運動很快便引來詬病。以法國媒體為例,七一立法會一役由於使用節制性武力,且得到文宣強力支援,陳述事態來龍去脈,巴黎整體的報道算是非常正面,但後來有前線抗爭者擲汽油彈,由於未有大幅度的文宣和論述支撐,媒體的報道好壞參半。而於港鐵內的「跳閘」事件,也因為在「走票」與公民抗命間的爭論未做好論述工作,在媒體的效果也遠差於實况,影響了整體運動的形象。

同時,若政府姿態表現出「軟化」(如提出撤回或「溝通」),而前線卻將武力升級的話,中間派大眾會開始對運動產生厭惡感,從而離棄運動,並慢慢地認為抗爭者被「藍絲群眾」襲擊也無可厚非。而當愈來愈多中間派對運動進行「割席」時,媒體的報道便會出現變化,讓運動慢慢地喪失外國支持——默克爾早前訪華時,她雖然表示支持香港人爭取民主自由,但不忘譴責運動所出現的暴力。當政府開始提出「撤回」時,在運動轉型的節骨眼,抗爭者須經常保持理智,以建構新論述,保持運動的政治能量。不忘為香港犧牲付出的義士之同時,「和」或「勇」僅為策略,抗爭者須觀察並順應大眾反應調整策略;「be water,煲底見!」

Source: 楊健偉(巴黎第七大學政治哲學博士研究生)《明報》周日話題
https://news.mingpao.com/pns/%E5%89%AF%E5%88%8A/article/20190915/s00005/1568484310049/%E5%91%A8%E6%97%A5%E8%A9%B1%E9%A1%8C-%E3%80%8C%E5%8F%8D%E9%80%81%E4%B8%AD%E3%80%8D%E9%81%8B%E5%8B%95%E5%A6%82%E4%BD%95%E4%B8%8D%E9%87%8D%E8%B9%88%E9%BB%83%E8%83%8C%E5%BF%83%E8%A6%86%E8%BD%8D

Wednesday, September 11, 2019

【蘋人誌】歷劫不動城邦──陳雲


「婆羅洲有個蘭芳共和國。」陳雲憶述這個童年時聽來的傳說。他相信「呢個係海外華人建國嘅唯一例子。」

在元朗八鄉橫台山客家村長大的陳雲,於五、六歲的時候,從世叔伯口中聽到這個發生在「咸豐年代」的客家人海外建國的故事。未知是否就是他城邦論的萌芽。

「客家人第一次喺印尼加里曼丹建立蘭芳共和國,後尾俾荷蘭人打敗咗。其後借屍還魂去咗星加坡,但係星加坡唔係華人國家。」《香港城邦論》作者、「粉絲」口中的「國師」,陳雲如是說。

一本正經的學者眼中,陳雲確實有點「神神化化」:一時開壇作法,一時說天邊已出現大鵬金翅鳥;對於行不公義的人,也會施以「皇天擊殺」的詛咒。

陳雲是德國哥廷根大學民族學博士,德意志帝國的締造者卑斯麥的校友。對於經常被人說「冇食藥」,陳雲說,「如果喺網上玩言論,唔係咁,揾鬼睇咩!」他認為自己白紙黑字的文章,都有紋有路,只可以說「嗰啲人冇幽默感。」

撰文:黎加路

攝影:易仰民


發夢始祖 繼續爭取普選


時下年青人的「發夢說」,陳雲也許是始祖。他說:「有時我會借嗰啲嘢避開啲法律責任。好似話呢啲係上天講畀我聽嘅嘢。

喜談勇武的陳雲,卻認為跟極權應鬥智力,而非武力。講起歷時兩個多月的反送中運動,他說:「今次唔係美國介入,輸到仆街!」

曾經協助前任民政局長何志平在政府工作11年的陳雲,坦言政府「其實依家犯嘅已經係戰爭罪行,係來自最高層嘅指令。咁,高層要集體自了,品質咁差。」對於眼前的困局,陳雲卻異常樂觀,尤其是對9月9日美國國會復會,開始審議《香港民主及人權法案》。「到時只要監護住普選,之後再要處理呢班人,但冇普選係解決唔到嘅。」國師這樣認為。

陳雲的籍貫是寶安深圳觀瀾,客家人。阿爺離鄉別井,到婆羅洲沙巴謀生,父親在南洋成長。像不少愛國華僑那樣,陳父上世紀50年代回國報效祖國,失望之餘返回深圳鄉下,伺機偷渡香港,輾轉在八鄉北部的橫台山落腳,從事中醫藥工作,育有五個孩子。排行第二的陳雲,在屯門醫院出世,其母替他取名雲根。陳雲說,「雲根在客家話中是指山上嘅岩石。」

60年代的橫台山,家家戶戶插五星紅旗,是一個連警察也不敢隨便進入的「紅色根據地」。陳雲自言在農牧工會長大,上過初級的毛澤東選集學習班,成日要演講,學游說。陳雲在愛國的橫台山小學上學,他回憶稱,「我細個接受過戰爭教育,經歷過民兵訓練。嗰陣時要响兩個山頭度,大家拎住假槍,用棯樹啲葉紮住頭,扮游擊隊,搶對方軍旗,將對方打走、捉戰俘。」

陳雲說:「所以知道戰爭第一件事係政治同游說囉,唔係打仗,從來都唔係打仗。如果政治上輸咗,戰爭上贏咗都係冇用,嘔番出嚟,依家中共唔係唔識呢套嘢囉。好似土改,殺晒啲地主,打上海……」

訪問在沙田的新城市廣場進行,可能是陳雲就自己的方便,但畢竟這裡是他出戰過的新界東立法會選區,母校中文大學的所在地。


意見太多 民主政府無得留低


80年代初,陳雲在新亞書院唸英文系,住在大學宿舍。九廣鐵路剛從入隧道要關窗的舊式火車,改為舒適的電氣化火車。儘管中英就1997年回歸問題展開談判,事情好像還很遙遠。未填海起樓的吐露港,仍是人間的仙境。

問陳雲修讀英文的原因,他笑言「嗰陣諗住讀英文係去做政務官。好現實嘅,你讀政治,唔係走去搞鬥爭囉,去考政務官,或者考EO(行政主任),都係要睇英文。讀政治,殖民政府對你多顧忌。」

陳雲坦言,86年畢業後,曾經考過AO(政務主任),但係失敗。他憶述,「考完,俾個考官响背後鬧咗一輪。話你呢啲嘢,民主咗就可以做,依家做唔到嘅,太過多嘢講嘞,咁多創建,民主政府就得。」

結果,陳雲做了中文主任,在上水及元朗區議會做文書嘅工作。他形容這是一份可以好hea(懶懶閒)的政府工。幸好因工作之便,加上自身在元朗鄉議局中學畢業,陳雲結識了一些鄉紳及「新界王」,「好似戴權、劉皇發。」結了一個地緣。

只做了半年中文主任,陳雲獲母校提供獎學金及助教工作,返回中大修讀比較文學碩士課程。畢業後,分別在珠海書院、能仁及樹仁學院任教;其間,開始為香港時報的「文化與生活版」供稿。陳雲回憶稱,他是在珠海書院認識黃毓民,時報結交卜少夫。「偶有聚餐,都是卧虎藏龍。學到好多嘢,吸收啲老前輩嘅嘢,成長得好快。」陳雲笑言,「細個喺共產黨基地玩,大個喺國民黨玩。」


赴德進修 回港不做外國人


文曲星高照的陳雲,1990年春天獲獎學金前赴德國哥廷根大學修讀民族學博士學位。他說:「走得好匆忙,手上嘅教學工作都要交畀同事做。」也許是六四事件的緣故,大陸學者未能到德國進修,陳雲在中大的德文老師通知他有這樣的一個機會。陳雲說,「原先想去法國,自己嘅法文比德文好。在中大時,幫過啲大學教授做繙譯,其中一位法國人類學家話要帶我去法國讀書。點知當我畢業時,佢入咗精神病院。」

陳雲笑言,「聽法文老師講,啲法國學者好多到咗中年期,都要入去住(精神病院),好正常。一係就離婚,一係就去大溪地。去大溪地嗰啲比較好啲,當度一度假。」

陳雲以「民族學在中國學科的建立過程」為博士論文題目,研究解放前(1918至1949)的民間歌謠。他自言以德文撰寫的論文,在導師指導下很快完成。留學期間,陳雲加入了「中國民主聯合陣線」,還當上了兩年主席。他解釋稱,「係萬潤南啲門生喺德國做嘅。佢哋有黨爭,選唔到主席。」陳雲幽默地說,游說他做主席的人,「耐咗先知道係大使館啲人。」

陳雲坦言,「民運期間,已經接觸到北方嘅高層。」取得博士學位後,有一位留德學憲法的「北京嘅人」向他說「返香港就可以做官,建立身分。」「你見過漢堡嗰位仁兄啦,幫政府做繙譯、做情報工作,有間屋囉,娶咗老婆,生咗兩個仔,揸架福士仔,咁就成世嘞。」陳雲內心也覺得,留低都係「黐人啲自由用啫。」「即使入咗籍都係一個外國人。」於是在95年尾,返回香港。

「佢有兌現諾言,唔係去咗老懵懂嗰度做嘢囉。」陳雲覺得「北京人」沒有「老點」他。

回港後,陳雲在葉國華的政策研究所工作。他笑言,當其時的招聘廣告,好似為他度身定做,「寫到係要研究文化政策,又要有博士學位,又要熟悉香港嘅嘢,又要喺政府做過嘢。成個香港係得我一個。」陳雲說是他寫信給葉國華。

在研究所內,陳雲認識了副主席何志平。自此以後,陳雲的仕途,一直跟這位著名的眼科醫生連在一起。何志平2000年入藝術發展局任主席,兩年後,獲董建華委任為特區民政事務局局長。十年來,陳雲都是何志平的「文膽」及文化政策的「謀士」。陳雲記得在政府的工作做到07年的7月1日,之後輾轉到了嶺南大學執教鞭。


參考紐西蘭 建立自治城邦


「國師」對2016年循新界東出選立法會議席落敗一事,顯得有點像「方丈份人好小器」,久不久就「幸災樂禍」,說大家當年不懂珍惜他給予香港「永續基本法」的機會。陳雲說:「基本法永續,一定要做。如果嗰陣時做咗,依家冇咁艱難。」他是輸給梁天琦的選舉「替身」梁頌恒,僅差三千多票。

陳雲說,「其實我隱退咗,只不過今次逃犯引渡條例,冇辦法唔出嚟。」他解釋謂,近年「淨係做文化,對外唔會講政治,等啲人知道政治沉悶嘅可怕。」陳雲深深不忿地說:「過去我一路出去,佢哋一路好似當我發癲咁一路鬧。」

自認是「實務政治」的陳雲,談到建國論會否又被譏為癡人說夢。他說,「笑唔笑,結果都係建國,冇第二條出路。你只係建國嘅狀態,畀吓面中共,留番一個自治城邦,同佢有個宗主國關係,好似紐西蘭同英國咁嘅狀態。叫佢落嚟剪吓綵,選到特首,上去畀佢形式上任命吓,護照有佢中華人民共和國嘅名。」

有「粉絲」在反送中運動高舉美國國旗,吸引到外國媒體的報道,陳雲笑言,已成功令到美國將《香港民主及人權及法案》放到國會的議事日程。他認為「美國立法幫香港普選,呢啲都係『條約政治』。」陳雲指卑斯麥就是用條約政治,建立帝國

「國師」幻想,如果有朝一日,華夏建國,他就是繼卑斯麥之後,成為哥廷根大學的著名政治校友了。「華英共和國」的國歌,也許又是上天給他的報夢:皇皇香港,育我長我地方。皇皇香港,歷劫不動城邦。華英並茂,古今交集,流芳百世有我承當。九七風霜,淪落蠻荒,美好家園……


    

常被人說「冇食藥」,陳雲認為自己白紙黑字的文章都有紋有路,只可以說「嗰啲人冇幽默感。」


談到建國論會否又被譏為痴人說夢。他說,「笑唔笑,結果都係建國,冇第二條出路。你只係建國嘅狀態,畀吓面中共,留番一個自治城邦,同佢有個宗主國關係。」


陳雲過去曾是何志平的「文膽」及文化政策的「謀士」,在政府的工作做到07年的7月1日,之後輾轉到了嶺南大學執教鞭。

Source: 蘋果日報

https://hk.appledaily.com/local/20190911/RUYZZGTEGHIIBYWHFJRMKYON4Y/

Tuesday, September 10, 2019

香港本土人將會成為戰俘

目前只限新屋嶺,香港人戰敗之後推廣到全港。

Re: https://archiveofgoodarticles.blogspot.com/2014/02/blog-post_21.html

#我曾經見過中共的人,他們就是那種鳥種。香港人不識死,我老早說要中港區隔,修憲自治,香港人當我神經病。

Source: 陳雲
https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10157398914247225

我一直不願意說出來的委屈

我一直不願意說出來的委屈。革命,是用刀劍及槍砲做的,不是用防毒面具做的用盾牌做革命,已經是委屈

我在2016年寫《香港城邦歌》的歌詞,寫了「同道奮起,鐵馬金戈,摧碎離地賣國奸賊黨!刀劍伸張,光芒萬丈,妖魔驅逐不許還鄉」,用的是古代兵器儀仗,很多賤民已經覺得過於武力。當時我沒生氣,只是更加確定香港的前景。

目前用的方法,是陳雲倡議的國際和平運動,借助美國力量來制衡中共的和平運動。2016修憲的自主和平運動過了之後,我改行其他和平運動。大家知道這種委屈嗎?這種委屈,你知道嗎?你願意承認嗎?你們在丟我的老臉,你們知道嗎?很多人,還好意思來搶功勞?你以為我稀罕這種丟臉的所謂功勞嗎?你不知道丟臉,當然很樂意去搶。

(道德門檻:人的道德)

(至於那群共產黨資助的偽港獨繼續在叫喊時代革命,繼續在消耗革命一詞,就由得他們丟臉,因為他們沒臉面可丟。)

Source: 陳雲
https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10157398723497225

Sunday, September 08, 2019

偽港獨夠膽叫獨立,竟然唔夠膽講驅逐共黨

今日美國領事館前請願示威,偽港獨夠膽叫獨立,竟然唔夠膽講驅逐共黨。唔驅逐共黨,香港又點獨立呀老友?共產黨都唔夠膽罵,你點搞民主呀?難道共產黨同偽港獨有親,故此咁難開口?難道偽港獨想共產黨留在香港一齊搞香港獨立?

我們要求香港自治,都要凶共產黨說要驅逐共黨、天滅中共、全黨死清光,共匪先識得驚,懂得放手給香港自治的。街頭示威也是,你夠膽叫驅逐共黨,光復香港;天滅中共、共產黨全黨死清光,衙差都顧忌幾分,知道你班友玩認真的,真的會上台執政。

(按:香港自治、中港區隔其實對共產黨好,是共產黨自己攞來賤,係都要香港人驅逐他們過深圳河,死返大陸。共產黨看現實效果的,香港自治是幫到共產黨度過目前難關的,共產黨話之你罵他們什麼,罵又罵不死的。共產黨最緊要掌權,有錢用,有西屌,你罵什麼他們是無所謂的。)

Source: 陳雲

https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/10157395393952225

Tuesday, August 06, 2019

「你跟他有甚麼分別?」vs「禮尚往來」

「一個是為了傷害對方而攻擊的人,一個是為了保護自己而還擊的人,我們到底哪裡一樣了?」

「如果你也XXX的話,那你跟他有甚麼分別?」完全無視了所有現象發生的背後意思,讓自己所聞所見都只流於表面,真的是很可怕的句型。這種假中立,其實就是站在強權那方。

這叫作「禮尚往來」。


Source: 茶里

https://www.facebook.com/Charlie87/posts/1550481935076844

Wednesday, July 03, 2019

目前香港的情況

目前香港的情況,給香港人簡單說一下,第四點是給年輕人講的(我一向不以年齡視人,因為有人殉國,這次破例)。其餘的奧秘東西,我在其他場合講。

一、警察武裝力量已經封頂,各位放心做事。Be water, have fun。香港是金融中心、商貿中心、航運轉口樞紐,關乎中共此刻的命脈,也是中共在香港集資和財富儲存的重心地區。國際社會也依賴香港,此地不能警察開火殺人、不能戒嚴、解放軍不能出動鎮壓,其實連國務院總理也不能批評香港,否則觸犯一國兩制,擔當不起。

二、政治上無計可施。過往,港府的最後把戲是派出泛民議員解散群眾示威或勇武社運,美國也拜託泛民維持香港的治安秩序,以免妨礙金融中心及商貿中心的運作。在七月一日晚上,五位男女賣港賊的拙劣表演,大家看過了,沒用啊。今日,即將離任的美國總領事盼望香港恢復秩序,也是無奈的呼籲。泛民也是老美的打手,這次打手被廢了武功,老美就要直接處理香港的事,香港有救了。故此打死泛民的代理性,將他們的賣港招牌往死裡打,香港就會得救,方法極為簡單的。

三、香港警隊被政治錯誤領導而犯下彌天大錯,此地的秩序無法恢復,已經陷入systematic disorder(系統性失序)。(這個名詞是我拿來玩的,香港所謂的系統性失序,定義是沒有陳雲做特首的情況而已,沒其他的社會學政治學定義的。)除非來一次立法會普選,大洗牌,重新列位,此地會陷入拆件式的和平狀態(dislocated peaceful order)。這是後現代的社會狀態,也是香港獨有的狀態,如何描述,智力高超的會懂得,至於如何拆解、如何恢復良好秩序,只有我懂得,我遲些用沙龍講座的環境思考和解釋。

四、年輕人已經自殺明志,此地已有三位青年甘願為香港流血及殉命。血祭已經足夠,香港可以建國。如果不是格外浪漫與珣麗的美學自殺,不必再來啦。讀好中文、練好書法、讀好歷代的絕命詞,選一個日值歲破的大凶日子來寫遺書不遲,這大概要十幾年功夫啊,期間民主已經來臨,大把嘢做,自殺都唔得閒想。事不過三,重複沒意思的。請耐心等待中美碰撞、香港階級碰撞而給予香港的普選機會。普選是基本法寫明的,必會實現。期間我會引領着情況的,當然,這需要人力物力。

五、我這一代,生於二次大戰之後的傳奇年代,我也慶幸童年在仍是清朝狀態的香港農村度過。不是我特別傑出,而是我的時代突出,我的生長環境突出,什麼時代出什麼人。我會努力將美好的香港預備給你們,必要時我會延長壽命的。原本因為我在香港或世界遇不到對手,連可以觀看的對手也沒有(普京最近批評現代化的講話令我大失所望,他不開口講哲學仍是有魅力的),牌面的、牌底的,都是窩囊廢,對我做的都是下三濫的手段,我有點悶,生不逢時,活得沒癮,想捨壽,不想久留了。但既然有三人為香港殉國,血祭了香港,就多呆一陣子吧。也是多得有幾位青年自願殉國,應了血祭的天機,往後香港可以和平演變,皆大歡喜。

Source: 陳雲

https://www.facebook.com/wan.chin.75/posts/pfbid036eU6aqCXWNj8kzHWdZUrZhExbfAuTN4A4vgHDxTy6NQ6geGyzswQEoZ2LiGiE1R9l

Wednesday, June 12, 2019

作為70後,我深切向青年道歉

1989年的6月,那震撼我們一代的畫面,像癌症一樣,留在我們心霏30年。之後8年,我們經常往啟德機場送機,像《今夜星光燦爛》歌詞,恐怕這晚這個璀璨都市光輝到此。2019年6月12日,明哥的歌曲應驗了。

我悔咎沒有教育父母與他身邊朋友

作為逃難一代後人,我們的父母唔識字,總抱著多一事不如少一事。我們年青時代沒有選擇,一生的目標是努力讀書,考入大學。從小到大,遇到不合理的事,都是多一事,不如少一事。排隊打尖、俾黑社會收陀地、女同學俾飛仔撩,都是多一事不如少一事。

我們做乖仔,長大後向也沒有向父母說不。他們逃難而來,中國開放後,他們相信會有改變,我們沒有教育他們如何認識極權。我們沉醉精英主義,崇尚紙醉金迷,沒有教育他們分辯善惡,沒有好好教育他們向蛇齋餅糉說不。我們熟讀中國歷史,沒有批判犬儒的勇氣。我們從小被灌輸不要理政治,做好事要熱心,對政治要冷感。結果,培養了我們這一代政治潔癖的怪獸。我悔咎沒有教育父母分辨蛇齋餅糉的惡毒,今天被他們擄劫了父母、自己與下一代的自由。作為70後,我對疏忽照顧父母,讓他們投下了魔鬼一票,連累你們今天受盡折磨,深切向今天的香港青年道歉。

我悔咎沒有與同代冷血朋友割蓆

2014年9月,佔領中環發生後,我這代上岸或快將上岸的朋友,向你們指責,我同代的社工同學大部份沒有為你們發聲,就算參與運動,對你們的訴求完全不理解,還大義凛然地指責你們升級,因為你們佔領阻住他們年幼的子女學拉小提琴與打網球,你們的行為影響了樓價。你們無樓住,他們的第二層可能因你們的行為而租值下跌。結果,2016年魚蛋革命令我們一代年青人代失去自由代價。當我們一批以和平形式要求一人一票選特首的和理非非領袖,也步上聖雄甘地的後塵被判入獄,大部份也是無動於衷,我悔咎沒有與同代冷血朋友割蓆,令你們哪份怨憤一直不能釋懷。

年青一代,感謝你們勇敢地站出來,生命很可貴,晚上請回家吧,侏羅紀年代的速龍選擇晚上覓食,你們小心。

年青一代,我們不割蓆、不指責,歷史的對與錯,是由當權者撰寫,不必為一些冷血的中坑、老嘢動氣。

年青一代,我們路線不同,但也是熱愛自由,熱愛香港這片地,你與我都是香港同根生。

作為70後,我深切向80、90、00後青年道歉。我們在殖民地一代長大,老是回顧當年的美好,遇到大事,只是一句我不懂政治,讓你們這十年受盡白眼。當我們的警隊、廉署、教育都赤化,沒有守住你們的核心價值,令你們今天吃盡苦頭。

作為70後,我們透支了你們一代的資源、守不住法治。今天,我們一起同行,就算輸了,我們也與你們一樣,不會認命。

各位與我同代的70後,若你們還有半點良知,在可以的範圍內,放下你們手上的工作,支持下後生仔。佢地同你們的子女一樣,有阿媽生,他們的所作所為,除左為自己,我們每一個香港人都受惠,因為他們替我們爭取免於恐懼的自由!

P.S.唔啱睇既鍾意unfriend就unfriend,因為我相信你同我唔同,你希望生活於極權,不過唔好咁無骨氣,呢頭鬧完班後生,果頭移民走路,要走,請回歸祖國,唔好去美帝同歐洲列強咁無骨氣。

Source: 施建章

https://www.inmediahk.net/node/1064725